Defence and Strategic Studies

Once again President Trump has dominated the geopolitical landscape with his often volatile behavior. His policy on trade tariffs has led to uncertainty at home and abroad. His quest for peace in Ukraine led to the effective ending of Putin’s isolation from the West, but no tangible progress on a peace deal has been achieved. Trump was more successful in bringing peace to Gaza. Meanwhile, the continuation of American military aid to the Baltic states came into question, while a Trump-Lukashenko call and the presence of American observers at the Zapad 2025 exercise raised concerns. Meanwhile, drone disruption has been felt in Poland, Denmark, Norway, Germany and elsewhere. NATO and the EU recognize that they lag significantly behind Ukraine and Russia in this field. More serious airspace violations, such as in Estonia, suggest that Russia is testing NATO’s resolve. This has not contributed to a greater sense of security in Latvia.

Fecha: 2025, septiembre 05 El conflicto entre ambas potencias, ha venido creciendo con el paso del tiempo, China ha desarrollado un crecimiento económico sin precedentes y lazos comerciales prácticamente en todo el globo. Las preocupaciones de Washington comenzaron desde hace más de una década, no obstante, la atención estratégica solo vino hasta tiempo después. En su gestión anterior y en la actual, Donald Trump ha puesto en práctica estrategias de contención, principalmente en el ámbito comercial para impedir el ascenso de China, particularmente en el Indo-Pacífico, pero el gigante asiático ha respondido con categoría, priorizando sus intereses estratégicos por encima del uso de la fuerza, EEUU tampoco quiere utilizar el uso de la fuerza, por lo menos directamente, lo que los ha llevado a enfrascarse en una serie de acciones híbridas mutuas en un contexto denominado "zona gris". El objetivo del ejercicio, consiste en analizar los enfoques de varios autores, que explican cuál ha sido o puede ser la forma del ascenso de China en el Sistema Internacional, con el objeto de intentar develar si el actual conflicto en la zona gris, podría escalar hasta convertirse en un conflicto armado directo y/o en una guerra a gran escala. Ante el enorme y constante ascenso del gigante asiático, en su obra Allison, (2015), plantea la posibilidad, de que al igual que en otras ocasiones en que una potencia emergente desafió al orden internacional impuesto por la potencia hegemónica, EEUU y China podrían verse atrapadas en la denominada "trampa de Tucídides", 1 y de forma inexorable, eso podría desencadenar una guerra a gran escala en un futuro determinado. Allison explica el enorme riesgo, de que al sentirse amenazada la hegemonía norteamericana por los chinos, una confrontación violenta sea inevitable entre ambos Estados, sobre todo, considerando los antecedentes históricos que existen de casos semejantes, en los que, de acuerdo con un estudio realizado por un equipo de éste en un centro de Harvard, "la mayoría de estas contiendas han acabado mal para ambas naciones" (2015, p. 04). 1 "Hace más de 2.400 años el historiador Tucídides ofreció una poderosa visión: fue el ascenso de Atenas y el miedo que inspiró en Esparta, lo que hizo inevitable la guerra". (Allison, 2015, p. 02, 03

Fecha: 2025, septiembre 05 El conflicto entre ambas potencias, ha venido creciendo con el paso del tiempo, China ha desarrollado un crecimiento económico sin precedentes y lazos comerciales prácticamente en todo el globo. Las preocupaciones de Washington comenzaron desde hace más de una década, no obstante, la atención estratégica solo vino hasta tiempo después. En su gestión anterior y en la actual, Donald Trump ha puesto en práctica estrategias de contención, principalmente en el ámbito comercial para impedir el ascenso de China, particularmente en el Indo-Pacífico, pero el gigante asiático ha respondido con categoría, priorizando sus intereses estratégicos por encima del uso de la fuerza, EEUU tampoco quiere utilizar el uso de la fuerza, por lo menos directamente, lo que los ha llevado a enfrascarse en una serie de acciones híbridas mutuas en un contexto denominado "zona gris". El objetivo del ejercicio, consiste en analizar los enfoques de varios autores, que explican cuál ha sido o puede ser la forma del ascenso de China en el Sistema Internacional, con el objeto de intentar develar si el actual conflicto en la zona gris, podría escalar hasta convertirse en un conflicto armado directo y/o en una guerra a gran escala. Ante el enorme y constante ascenso del gigante asiático, en su obra Allison, (2015), plantea la posibilidad, de que al igual que en otras ocasiones en que una potencia emergente desafió al orden internacional impuesto por la potencia hegemónica, EEUU y China podrían verse atrapadas en la denominada "trampa de Tucídides", 1 y de forma inexorable, eso podría desencadenar una guerra a gran escala en un futuro determinado. Allison explica el enorme riesgo, de que al sentirse amenazada la hegemonía norteamericana por los chinos, una confrontación violenta sea inevitable entre ambos Estados, sobre todo, considerando los antecedentes históricos que existen de casos semejantes, en los que, de acuerdo con un estudio realizado por un equipo de éste en un centro de Harvard, "la mayoría de estas contiendas han acabado mal para ambas naciones" (2015, p. 04). 1 "Hace más de 2.400 años el historiador Tucídides ofreció una poderosa visión: fue el ascenso de Atenas y el miedo que inspiró en Esparta, lo que hizo inevitable la guerra". (Allison, 2015, p. 02, 03

Fecha: 2025, septiembre 05 El conflicto entre ambas potencias, ha venido creciendo con el paso del tiempo, China ha desarrollado un crecimiento económico sin precedentes y lazos comerciales prácticamente en todo el globo. Las preocupaciones de Washington comenzaron desde hace más de una década, no obstante, la atención estratégica solo vino hasta tiempo después. En su gestión anterior y en la actual, Donald Trump ha puesto en práctica estrategias de contención, principalmente en el ámbito comercial para impedir el ascenso de China, particularmente en el Indo-Pacífico, pero el gigante asiático ha respondido con categoría, priorizando sus intereses estratégicos por encima del uso de la fuerza, EEUU tampoco quiere utilizar el uso de la fuerza, por lo menos directamente, lo que los ha llevado a enfrascarse en una serie de acciones híbridas mutuas en un contexto denominado "zona gris". El objetivo del ejercicio, consiste en analizar los enfoques de varios autores, que explican cuál ha sido o puede ser la forma del ascenso de China en el Sistema Internacional, con el objeto de intentar develar si el actual conflicto en la zona gris, podría escalar hasta convertirse en un conflicto armado directo y/o en una guerra a gran escala. Ante el enorme y constante ascenso del gigante asiático, en su obra Allison, (2015), plantea la posibilidad, de que al igual que en otras ocasiones en que una potencia emergente desafió al orden internacional impuesto por la potencia hegemónica, EEUU y China podrían verse atrapadas en la denominada "trampa de Tucídides", 1 y de forma inexorable, eso podría desencadenar una guerra a gran escala en un futuro determinado. Allison explica el enorme riesgo, de que al sentirse amenazada la hegemonía norteamericana por los chinos, una confrontación violenta sea inevitable entre ambos Estados, sobre todo, considerando los antecedentes históricos que existen de casos semejantes, en los que, de acuerdo con un estudio realizado por un equipo de éste en un centro de Harvard, "la mayoría de estas contiendas han acabado mal para ambas naciones" (2015, p. 04). 1 "Hace más de 2.400 años el historiador Tucídides ofreció una poderosa visión: fue el ascenso de Atenas y el miedo que inspiró en Esparta, lo que hizo inevitable la guerra". (Allison, 2015, p. 02, 03

Fecha: 2025, septiembre 05 El conflicto entre ambas potencias, ha venido creciendo con el paso del tiempo, China ha desarrollado un crecimiento económico sin precedentes y lazos comerciales prácticamente en todo el globo. Las preocupaciones de Washington comenzaron desde hace más de una década, no obstante, la atención estratégica solo vino hasta tiempo después. En su gestión anterior y en la actual, Donald Trump ha puesto en práctica estrategias de contención, principalmente en el ámbito comercial para impedir el ascenso de China, particularmente en el Indo-Pacífico, pero el gigante asiático ha respondido con categoría, priorizando sus intereses estratégicos por encima del uso de la fuerza, EEUU tampoco quiere utilizar el uso de la fuerza, por lo menos directamente, lo que los ha llevado a enfrascarse en una serie de acciones híbridas mutuas en un contexto denominado "zona gris". El objetivo del ejercicio, consiste en analizar los enfoques de varios autores, que explican cuál ha sido o puede ser la forma del ascenso de China en el Sistema Internacional, con el objeto de intentar develar si el actual conflicto en la zona gris, podría escalar hasta convertirse en un conflicto armado directo y/o en una guerra a gran escala. Ante el enorme y constante ascenso del gigante asiático, en su obra Allison, (2015), plantea la posibilidad, de que al igual que en otras ocasiones en que una potencia emergente desafió al orden internacional impuesto por la potencia hegemónica, EEUU y China podrían verse atrapadas en la denominada "trampa de Tucídides", 1 y de forma inexorable, eso podría desencadenar una guerra a gran escala en un futuro determinado. Allison explica el enorme riesgo, de que al sentirse amenazada la hegemonía norteamericana por los chinos, una confrontación violenta sea inevitable entre ambos Estados, sobre todo, considerando los antecedentes históricos que existen de casos semejantes, en los que, de acuerdo con un estudio realizado por un equipo de éste en un centro de Harvard, "la mayoría de estas contiendas han acabado mal para ambas naciones" (2015, p. 04). 1 "Hace más de 2.400 años el historiador Tucídides ofreció una poderosa visión: fue el ascenso de Atenas y el miedo que inspiró en Esparta, lo que hizo inevitable la guerra". (Allison, 2015, p. 02, 03

Fecha: 2025, septiembre 05 El conflicto entre ambas potencias, ha venido creciendo con el paso del tiempo, China ha desarrollado un crecimiento económico sin precedentes y lazos comerciales prácticamente en todo el globo. Las preocupaciones de Washington comenzaron desde hace más de una década, no obstante, la atención estratégica solo vino hasta tiempo después. En su gestión anterior y en la actual, Donald Trump ha puesto en práctica estrategias de contención, principalmente en el ámbito comercial para impedir el ascenso de China, particularmente en el Indo-Pacífico, pero el gigante asiático ha respondido con categoría, priorizando sus intereses estratégicos por encima del uso de la fuerza, EEUU tampoco quiere utilizar el uso de la fuerza, por lo menos directamente, lo que los ha llevado a enfrascarse en una serie de acciones híbridas mutuas en un contexto denominado "zona gris". El objetivo del ejercicio, consiste en analizar los enfoques de varios autores, que explican cuál ha sido o puede ser la forma del ascenso de China en el Sistema Internacional, con el objeto de intentar develar si el actual conflicto en la zona gris, podría escalar hasta convertirse en un conflicto armado directo y/o en una guerra a gran escala. Ante el enorme y constante ascenso del gigante asiático, en su obra Allison, (2015), plantea la posibilidad, de que al igual que en otras ocasiones en que una potencia emergente desafió al orden internacional impuesto por la potencia hegemónica, EEUU y China podrían verse atrapadas en la denominada "trampa de Tucídides", 1 y de forma inexorable, eso podría desencadenar una guerra a gran escala en un futuro determinado. Allison explica el enorme riesgo, de que al sentirse amenazada la hegemonía norteamericana por los chinos, una confrontación violenta sea inevitable entre ambos Estados, sobre todo, considerando los antecedentes históricos que existen de casos semejantes, en los que, de acuerdo con un estudio realizado por un equipo de éste en un centro de Harvard, "la mayoría de estas contiendas han acabado mal para ambas naciones" (2015, p. 04). 1 "Hace más de 2.400 años el historiador Tucídides ofreció una poderosa visión: fue el ascenso de Atenas y el miedo que inspiró en Esparta, lo que hizo inevitable la guerra". (Allison, 2015, p. 02, 03

Talking about radicalisation is in vogue — a bit late, but now prevalent amongst the policy
circles in Pakistan. Beyond the scope of my article today as it is, the debate around
radicalisation in Pakistan revolves around the usual suspects: madrassas, mosques or
foreign funding. Yet, in today's Pakistan, extremism doesn't always walk out of a
seminary gate. Increasingly, it scrolls out of a phone screen. TikTok, YouTube and
Encrypted Chat groups are quietly shaping ideological landscapes — not through overt
terrorist propaganda, but through the logic of algorithms that prioritise engagement
above all else.
How does that happen?

Elencar as ameaças não convencionais dentre a Segurança Nacional pode trazer para o centro do debate o aspecto da segurança humana. Destarte, elencar, dentro dos documentos oficiais de Defesa os aspectos não convencionais colocarão, dentro da realidade de Segurança e Defesa Nacional os desafios intrínsecos internos que devam ser superados pelo Brasil. Dentre esses elementos não convencionais, destaca-se a importância da Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN). O alcançar um nível de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional satisfatório constitui objetivo primordial de algumas nações, e deve ser levada em consideração em aspectos de Segurança Nacional. O estabelecimento de políticas públicas para esse direcionamento é perceptível em várias nações, bem como no Brasil. Contudo, ainda que seja de fundamental importância para a coesão interna, a SAN não é trabalhada, nos documentos oficiais, enquanto fator relevante para a Segurança Nacional. Nesse sentido, o atual trabalho busca discutir os caminhos e os fluxos para que a contraparte da SAN, a Insegurança Alimentar e Nutricional, seja considerada uma ameaça à Segurança Nacional, contida no espectro das ameaças não convencionais. O problema a ser inquirido é: de que maneira a insegurança alimentar e nutricional pode ser tratada enquanto ameaça à segurança nacional? O objetivo geral do trabalho é compreender a insegurança alimentar e nutricional enquanto ameaça não convencional à segurança nacional. Por objetivos específicos, busca-se conceituar a SAN e sua contraparte, bem como discutir a importância de considerar a SAN nos documentos oficiais. A metodologia de análise será a hipotético-dedutiva, em que serão analisados os documentos oficiais, bem como trazer para a discussão produção científica relevante sobre a temática de ameaças não convencionais, aplicando a insegurança alimentar e nutricional nesse espectro. Dentre os principais resultados obtidos estão o fato de que os documentos oficiais do Brasil não consideram o espectro das ameaças não convencionais nas suas análises, bem como negligenciam o papel dado ao controle de estoque de alimentos e da Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional como objetivos da Defesa Nacional, em desacordo com o que pensam outros países, como os Estados Unidos. Nesse sentido, propõe-se um aprofundamento da discussão acerca de tais ameaças, abarcar a concepção de segurança humana, bem como o reconhecimento da SAN como objetivo, também, de Defesa Nacional.

Este artículo examina la conformación del Sistema Educativo Militar mexicano, integrado en la Universidad del Ejército y Fuerza Aérea Mexicanos, desde una perspectiva histórica y contemporánea. La profesionalización militar se establece como eje central para analizar los orígenes, la evolución y la situación actual de los planteles de educación castrense adscritos a la Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional (SEDENA). Asimismo, se abordan las transformaciones normativas que han permitido la incorporación de mujeres a los cursos de formación de oficiales en los planteles de armas, históricamente reservados exclusivamente para personal masculino.

Après la Première Guerre mondiale, la Marine française souffre d’un manque de reconnaissance et doit se réorganiser malgré des moyens matériels devenus obsolètes. L’état-major engage rapidement des réformes institutionnelles, matérielles et humaines pour adapter la Marine aux nouvelles réalités stratégiques (aviation, sous-marins, télécommunications, etc.).
Les années 1920 sont cruciales pour la reconstruction de la Marine, qui dépend fortement du soutien budgétaire du Parlement. Or, contrairement à une légende tenace, les parlementaires jouent un rôle central dans le financement et la modernisation de la Marine. Flaminius Raiberti, ministre de la Marine puis rapporteur au Sénat, est un acteur clé de cette période, imposant rigueur budgétaire et discipline comptable.
La décennie est marquée par de graves crises économiques et monétaires, qui compliquent le financement de la défense des côtes. Malgré ces difficultés, le Parlement accorde progressivement des crédits croissants à la défense des côtes, avec des phases de retour à la normale, de consolidation et d’accélération des programmes. Les débats portent sur l’utilité des batteries de côte, la modernisation des matériels et la répartition des crédits entre Marine et Guerre. La loi Maginot de 1930 bouleverse la gestion budgétaire, rendant le suivi des crédits plus complexe mais permettant un effort financier inédit pour la défense nationale.
Au final, la période 1919-1931 voit une montée en puissance de la défense des côtes grâce à l’action parlementaire, malgré les crises et les rivalités politiques.

ENGLISH - After the First World War, the French Navy suffered from a lack of recognition and had to reorganise itself despite its now obsolete equipment. The general staff quickly undertook institutional, material, and personnel reforms to adapt the Navy to new strategic realities (aviation, submarines, telecommunications, etc.).
The 1920s were a crucial period for the reconstruction of the Navy, which depended heavily on parliamentary budgetary support. Contrary to a persistent legend, members of Parliament played a central role in funding and modernising the Navy. Flaminius Raiberti, Minister of the Navy and later rapporteur in the Senate, was a key figure during this period, imposing budgetary rigour and strict accounting discipline.
The decade was marked by serious economic and monetary crises, which made it difficult to finance coastal defence. Despite these challenges, Parliament gradually granted increasing credits for the defence of the coasts, with phases of normalisation, consolidation, and acceleration of programmes. Debates focused on the usefulness of coastal batteries, the modernisation of equipment, and the allocation of funds between the Navy and the Army. The Maginot Law of 1930 disrupted budget management, making the monitoring of credits more complex but allowing for an unprecedented financial effort for national defence.
In the end, the period from 1919 to 1931 saw a strengthening of coastal defence thanks to parliamentary action, despite crises and political rivalries.

This research work focuses on the impact of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Balochistan Liberation Army’s (BLA) violent activities on the CPEC after the re-emergence of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan (IEA) in 2021. In Pakistan, the acts of terrorism increased after the post-9/11 United States (US) invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. The terrorism was at its peak from 2008 to 2015 but gradually declined to a large extent till 2020. After the establishment of the IEA, the terrorist activities intensified in Pakistan, mostly conducted by the TTP and BLA. This research work employs a qualitative method. The data has been collected from 19 respondents through semi-structured purposive sampling. The data has been analyzed through thematic analysis. This research work finds that the TTP began its activities from Chitral and Gilgit Baltistan (GB) and gradually moved towards the southern districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), which are the core areas of the CPEC transportation route. TTP surrounded the CPEC routes from the north in GB to the south in the Kulachi area of Dera Ismail Khan (D.I. Khan), posing a significant threat to the CPEC project. Similarly, the TTP activities in the erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) region and the security situation in KP are also preventing the CPEC extension to Afghanistan as well as the regional connectivity with Central Asia. Although, BLA intensified its activities because of their expulsion from their colonies in Kandahar by the Afghan Taliban. However, they mostly target the security forces and less likely the CPEC project. The primary agenda of the BLA is the formation of Greater Balochistan and its secession from Pakistan. This objective of the BLA and the elimination of the CPEC project converge with each other. Therefore, the researcher considers BLA direct and ultimate threat to the CPEC project. Besides, BLA opposes the CPEC project because the former considers it as the source of exploitation of the resources of Balochistan. CPEC is an essential project for the economic development of Pakistan. The TTP activities in KP and the BLA activities in Balochistan are jeopardizing this economic development under the CPEC project. Therefore, it is necessary for the Federal Government of Pakistan to provide employment opportunities to engage the youth in the economic and industrial production. Pakistan should begin intelligence-based operations (IBOs) for the elimination of terrorism in Pakistan. Similarly, Pakistan should also grant the Balochis their due legal and constitutional rights.

Doctrinal and Tactical Aspects of Deploying Anti-Tank Guided Missile Platoons in Defence This paper explores the tactical employment of the Anti-Tank Guided Missile (ATGM) platoon in defensive operations, focusing on its effectiveness against armoured and mechanized threats in both conventional and hybrid warfare environments. Drawing on doctrinal frameworks such as FM 3-21.91, FM 71-1, and MCRP 3-30.7, the research evaluates key aspects including terrain-based siting, force distribution, survivability through mobility and camouflage, and synchronization with indirect fire and reconnaissance assets. Through simulated defensive scenarios, the study demonstrates that ATGM units deployed in decentralized, terrain-masked positions with overlapping fields of fire and ISR integration significantly improve engagement success and reduce vulnerability to counterattack. The findings suggest doctrinal and organizational refinements, such as the incorporation of hunter-killer tactics and loitering munitions at the platoon level, to meet the demands of multi-domain operations and support Force Design 2030 concepts. The paper concludes with practical recommendations for training, force structure adaptation, and integrated fires coordination.

The study evaluated the impact of security governance on public safety in North-East, Nigeria from 2009 to 2019. To achieve this aim, four objectives and research questions were formulated to guide the study. Relevant literature was reviewed based on the topic. The study adopted a qualitative and quantitative survey design with a population size of 12,462 respondents who are security personnel in Northern Nigeria and understand the concept of public safety and how security governance affects it. The simple random sampling technique was adopted to select a sample size of five hundred (500) from the study area. A structured questionnaire and interview responses were used to obtain data from the respondents. The completed copies of the instrument were collated and analyzed using regression while the interview response was analyzed thematically from twenty (20) respondents utilizing factor load analysis and thematic clustering. The results amongst others show that effective security sector governance and reform are essential for addressing public safety and security challenges, socioeconomic factors such as poverty, unemployment, and inequality have a significant positive correlation with crime and violence in the region and Boko Haram insurgency have a significant negative impact on public safety and security on the region. It was therefore recommended amongst others that the government should establish clear governance structures and accountability measures within security institutions, invest in the training and equipping of military and police personnel to improve their effectiveness in countering threats and establish platforms for dialogue between security forces and local communities in North East Nigeria.

This article reexamines the spectrum of American grand strategy in the twenty-first century, challenging the dominant binary between “deep engagement” and “restraint.” Peter Dombrowski and Simon Reich argue that these categories fail to capture the full range of strategic options available to U.S. policymakers in an era defined by fluid great-power competition, deglobalization, and novel transnational threats. The authors introduce a systematic framework encompassing five grand strategies—primacy, deep engagement, sponsorship, restraint, and isolationism—and situate them within shifting domestic and international contexts. They advance “sponsorship” as a distinct and increasingly relevant approach that relies on legitimacy, burden sharing, and selective multilateralism rather than unilateral leadership. By integrating traditional security concerns with emerging challenges such as climate change, pandemics, and technological disruption, the article provides a foundation for rethinking how the United States defines, implements, and adapts its grand strategy in a “fuzzy” and polycrisis world.

This paper, based on the analysis presented in the volume "Cognitive Warfare-How Our Minds Are Invaded and Controlled" (Giurcan, 2025), examines the concept of cognitive warfare as a strategic mutation of contemporary conflict, in which the human mind becomes a fundamental domain of confrontation. The article distinguishes cognitive warfare from adjacent notions (information warfare, psychological operations), arguing that its specificity lies in the direct targeting of the architecture of thought processes, rather than merely their content. The study analyzes the neurobiological and psychosocial mechanisms that constitute the attack surface (cognitive biases, reward circuits), amplified by emerging technologies such as generative artificial intelligence. It provides a comprehensive overview of the Romanian context through a detailed taxonomy of cognitive attack vectors (the CPS-G Model) and specific vulnerabilities, followed by an examination of the doctrine and cognitive arsenal of the Russian Federation, with particular emphasis on the concept of "reflexive control." Finally, strategic directions are proposed for the development of a systemic defense, underlining the need for a transition from a reactive response (debunking) to a proactive and integrated approach at the institutional, technological, and socio-cognitive levels, aimed at safeguarding the cohesion of liberal democracies.

Meerut's strategic importance for India's national security stems from its unique blend of geography, history, and evolving defence relevance. Situated within the National Capital Region (NCR), Meerut serves as both a defensive shield and a military logistics hub for the security of New Delhi, the country's political and military hub. The establishment of the cantonment in 1803 and its historic role, beginning with the momentous revolt in 1857, cemented its place in India's defence consciousness. Geostrategically, its proximity to Delhi and frontline states like Punjab, Haryana and Uttarakhand positions it as an important buffer and rear base for both the western and northern fronts. The city's connectivity through highways, railways, and the upcoming Regional Rapid Transit System reinforces its role as a rapid mobilisation node. Industrially, Meerut contributes to the military base workshop, small arms manufacturing, and sports goods industries that have defence linkages, aligning with India's Atmanirbhar Bharat vision. Internally, Meerut supports paramilitary and police preparedness, counterterrorism and riot control, given the sensitivity of western Uttar Pradesh. Emerging opportunities, including integration into the cyber defence grid, smart city initiatives, and the Uttar Pradesh Defence Corridor, add to its contemporary strategic value. Thus, Meerut represents a historically rooted but visionary security hub, indispensable to the level-headed defence and comprehensive regional security architecture of India's capital.

Sovereign Structural Realism (SSR) marks a foundational rupture in understanding the international order and the nature of conflict itself. In International Relations theory, SSR reconceives the structure of power: strength no longer flows primarily from military arsenals or economic output but from substrate asymmetry, the unequal command over the physical, logical, biological, and cognitive infrastructures that sustain modern civilisation. Sovereignty transforms territorial independence into substrate autonomy: the capacity to escape coercive dependence and what might be termed "digital vassalage."

In theories of war, SSR redefines the ontology of war. The traditional battlefield dissolves into a Socio-Technical-Cognitive Battlespace (STCB), where states, corporations, citizens, and algorithms become simultaneous participants. Infrastructure and consciousness serve as targets, and victory emerges not from destroying military forces but from the paralysis of systems and the erosion of legitimacy. The shift from industrial warfare to nuclear strategy was significant, but now we are entering an even more transformative era: the age of substrate conflict. In the information era, the key conflicts of the century will not mainly be about territory or belief systems. Instead, they will focus on the unseen structures of semiconductors, fibre optics, algorithms, and cognition, constituting the essential bedrock of sovereignty.

SSR is like a Rosetta Stone, bridging the connections between geopolitics, conflict, society, and cognition. It provides an insightful and unified approach for understanding complex relationships.

Banditry has become a challenge and threat to national security. The level at which bandits operate within the landscape of Northern Nigeria has led to violent crimes such as kidnapping, raping, maiming, killing and destruction of properties and farmlands. It has also brought disruptions of socioeconomic activities and uncertainty, a situation that has become worrisome to the government and the citizenry. This paper therefore examines the causes and implications of banditry in the Northern region, which has emerged as a threat to national security. The paper adopted descriptive methodse, with the use of secondary source of data while the Situational Action Theory (SAT) was employed as a theoretical framework. This paper posited that the factors which drive the accelerating banditry in Northern Nigeria are high level of unemployment with its attendant poverty, a weak security system and arms proliferation. The paper concludes by recommending a combination of strengthened security measures, economic empowerment, border control, efficient disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) program, community-base moral and civic education to mitigate the phenomenon.

Land Warfare Doctrine (LWD) 1 - Fundamentals of Land Warfare was the Australian Army's capstone doctrine publication between 2006 and the early 2010s.  The publication was produced under contract by Noetic Solutions Pty Ltd, and I was the lead author on the writing team.

Toda proporción guardada, en la odisea10 hacia un nuevo mode-
lo de justicia civil y familiar, la oralidad y la justicia digital —sus ejes
centrales— se asemejan a ese canto de sirenas, ya que la promesa
de inmediatez, transparencia y eficacia puede seducir y hacer caer
en su hechizo a quien no actúe con prudencia y cautela.
Son innegables las ventajas de este nuevo modelo nacional,
pero también sus peligros: una mejor justicia civil y familiar no se
dará de forma automática simplemente con la entrada en vigor
del CNPCF, y mucho menos si se pretende implementarlo sin una
preparación institucional eficaz, sin capacitación judicial suficien-
te y sin un cambio significativo en la educación y cultura jurídica.
Por ello, como Odiseo, los poderes judiciales, al implementar el
nuevo sistema de justicia civil y familiar, deben atarse a una estruc-
tura sólida, de manera que sea posible cumplir con sus objetivos sin dejar de advertir los retos que conlleva su implementación. Es
decir, deben actuar inteligente, prudente y estratégicamente.
Este cuaderno de investigación pretende abonar a esa con-
ciencia crítica: se trata de aceptar los encantos del CNPCF, sin
desatender las adversidades. Es claro que no resulta suficiente
conocer las normas del CNPCF, sino que es necesario conocer
los objetivos que se pretenden lograr con ellas y concientizar-
nos de que el nuevo sistema de justicia civil y familiar demanda
nuevas habilidades, recursos adecuados y una fuerte voluntad de
cambio.

Litbanghan bukan sekadar pelengkap, tapi fondasi kesiapan TNI AD di era ancaman multidimensi.
Dari kolaborasi dengan BRIN hingga inovasi lokal anti-drone, inilah saatnya membangun ekosistem pertahanan yang tangguh dan mandiri, karena kesiapan tidak bisa ditunda.
The time to act was yesterday.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) is transforming modern command and control (C2) systems by enabling the fusion of data from sensors, cyber intelligence, and communication networks across all domains of the battlefield. In this paper, I explore how AI enhances situational awareness, compresses decision cycles, and strengthens resilience in contested environments. Drawing from practical experience in tactical communications and defense systems, I examine how AI-driven data fusion transforms raw information into actionable knowledge—bridging the gap between humans and machines in real-time decision-making. The article discusses the benefits, challenges, and future potential of AI in multi-domain operations and outlines a vision for next-generation, intelligent C2 environments that deliver decision dominance in future conflicts.

he he st at gi ue de l É ole ilitai e I'SEM a pou issio de p o ouvoi la e he he su les uestio s de d fe se et d'e ou age u e ouvelle g atio de he heu s. L e se le de ses productions et de ses activités peut être suivi sur son site : www. defense.gouv.fr/irsem Les opi io s ises, les a alyses p opos es pa les auteu s pu li s, e gage t pas le i ist e de la Défense. ACCÈS AUX ESPACES COMMUNS ET GRANDES STRATÉGIES: VERS UN NOUVEAU JEU MONDIAL _______________________________________________________ 5 SOMMAIRE  INTRODUCTION .

This paper examines the evolution of digital international relations and diplomacy in the context of bipolar and multipolar world orders, focusing particularly on its implications for Africa's non-alignment policy and the continent's gradual shift away from exclusive Francophone orientations. The rise of digital diplomacy, cyber power, and fifth-generation warfare presents both opportunities and challenges for African states seeking to balance sovereignty with global integration. Through empirical case studies-Kenya's digital policy, Nigeria's tech diplomacy, and South Africa's role in BRICS-the study highlights Africa's recalibration of its foreign policy to adapt to the changing international system.

The rising inefficiency and ineffectiveness observed in the Nigerian Police Force's efforts to combat crime have led to the proliferation of informal security networks, commonly known as vigilante groups, in contemporary Nigeria. This research aims to investigate the intricate relationship between vigilantism and the management and control of crime in modern Nigeria, focusing specifically on Bayelsa State. To accomplish the study's objectives, a survey approach was employed, utilizing a questionnaire as the primary research tool. The research sample comprised 400 participants, and a research hypothesis was formulated and subsequently tested during the study. A multi-stage sampling technique was employed, involving cluster, snowballing, and convenience sampling methods. Of the 400 questionnaires distributed, 377 were successfully retrieved, collated, and analyzed. The research employed two main analytical techniques: descriptive statistics (utilizing simple percentages) to evaluate research objectives and the chisquare statistical method, facilitated by the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS), to test the research hypothesis. The study's outcomes indicated that vigilantism has had a significantly positive impact on reducing crime rates in the research area. In light of these findings, it is recommended that vigilantism should be promoted and carried out by dedicated and well-trained individuals to complement the traditional police force's security responsibilities. Vigilante groups should receive adequate resources, funding, equipment, and the support of robust enabling legislation to ensure their independent and impartial execution of security duties. Members of these vigilante groups should adhere to established legal standards and refrain from arbitrary or capricious actions while dispensing justice. Finally, maintaining high levels of motivation among vigilante groups is crucial to enhance their determination to combat and minimize crime in Bayelsa State.

The family, as the basic environment of human life, plays a key role in the educational process and building social bonds. In the military context, this role is shaped by unique challenges such as deployment, relocation, and operational stress. The quality of the functions performed by the family has a significant impact on

Proyecto de Ley que regula el funcionamiento del Fondo Federal para la formación y capacitación del personal de la Marina Mercante. La propuesta establece donde se obtienen los recursos y el destino de estos, especialmente para mejorar las instalaciones, material didáctico, capacitación para docentes y un régimen de becas para el personal de alumnos.  Asimismo, el proyecto abarca aspectos vinculadas a la creación de una Reserva Naval, cambios en materia académica, etc.

One of the primary responsibilities of a Certified TEMPEST Technician is to identify and mitigate vulnerabilities in equipment that emits electromagnetic signals. These emissions, if intercepted, could reveal confidential data, including keyboard inputs, video output, or audio signals. Learn more in Certified TEMPEST Technician Training by Tonex.

En el presente artículo se examina la incorporación y aplicación de la tecnología en el derecho familiar; cómo ha sido el proceso de transición en la administración de la justicia familiar, con la finalidad de eficientar sus procedimientos para mejorar la atención a los usuarios, liberar la excesiva carga de trabajo y, en consecuencia, que la justicia sea pronta y expedita, para que la sociedad recupere la confianza en estas instituciones, que realmente puedan resolver sus problemas familiares para brindar estabilidad y seguridad al núcleo familiar. Por ello, se utilizaron diversos métodos, como el inductivo, para estudiar la figura particular; el jurídico, para el análisis de normas, hechos y su factibilidad social; el descriptivo, para explicar lo concerniente al uso de la tecnología en el derecho en general y la administración de la justicia en particular; el analítico, para la división del problema y facilitar su examinación; el exegético jurídico, para establecer si la figura jurídica en estudio se ajusta al hecho; el comparativo, para establecer semejanzas y diferencias entre algunos procesos familiares en línea que se utilizan en la actualidad; y el bibliográfico, para obtener la literatura adecuada para la investigación. Con el desarrollo de este artículo, se concluye que con la introducción de tecnologías en la administración de la justicia se agilizarán los procesos judiciales, propiciando justicia pronta y expedita a las partes, y,
además, se mejorarán las condiciones y carga de trabajo para los funcionarios judiciales. Para ello, es necesaria la introducción de tecnologías, como programas de videoconferencia, software de gestión de casos, un sistema de gestión de documentos electrónicos y sistemas de e-justicia, para que se pueda llevar diversa tramitología en línea, como interposición de escritos y promociones o, en su defecto, el proceso judicial completo, entre otros.

Wilayah pesisir dan kepulauan memiliki arti strategis bagi Indonesia, baik dari segi ekonomi, sosial, budaya, maupun geopolitik. Namun, kawasan ini juga menghadapi berbagai permasalahan, mulai dari ketimpangan pembangunan, kerentanan terhadap perubahan iklim, hingga konflik pemanfaatan sumber daya. Buku ini hadir untuk membahas secara mendalam bagaimana pendekatan manajemen dapat diterapkan dalam mengelola pembangunan wilayah pesisir secara efektif dan berkelanjutan.

Melalui 12 bab pembahasan, buku ini menyajikan konsep dasar pembangunan wilayah, potensi ekonomi maritim, strategi perencanaan, tata kelola, manajemen sumber daya, hingga inovasi digitalisasi dan kewirausahaan pesisir. Setiap bab diperkaya dengan studi kasus dan praktik lapangan yang relevan, sehingga memberikan perspektif aplikatif bagi pembaca.

Buku ini tidak hanya ditujukan untuk kalangan akademisi, tetapi juga praktisi, pembuat kebijakan, serta masyarakat luas yang peduli terhadap masa depan wilayah pesisir dan kepulauan. Dengan membaca buku ini, diharapkan pembaca dapat memahami pentingnya sinergi antara pemerintah, akademisi, swasta, dan komunitas lokal dalam mewujudkan pembangunan pesisir yang inklusif, berdaya saing, dan berkelanjutan.

The unipolar illusion has ended. The United States, once the uncontested architect of the post-Cold War order, now faces a multipolar reality that can neither be reversed nor ignored. This article examines three emblematic cases that reveal the erosion of American primacy: Venezuela's defiance of the Monroe Doctrine through alignment with China and Russia, Israel's capacity to undermine U.S.-brokered negotiations in Doha (unless there is a tacit agreement between the US and Israel that gave Israel the Green light to Bomb Doha), and the institutional rise of BRICS as a systemic alternative to the Western-led order. Drawing on realist, liberal, and constructivist paradigms, the analysis demonstrates how US foreign policy contradictions, from Vietnam and Iraq to present deterrence failures, have accelerated decline. The article argues that Washington now stands at a crossroads: adapt to multipolarity by embracing shared governance and cooperative security, or cling to unipolar pretensions and face two perilous outcomes, irrelevance or nuclear coercion. In an age of existential risk, the verdict is clear: only by accepting multipolarity can the United States remain relevant without endangering humanity's survival.

When the crescent and star flag of Pakistan was first raised in 1947, among the earliest nations to embrace the new state was the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Bound by faith, geography, and destiny, the two countries wove a relationship that was never merely diplomatic, but fraternalrooted in Islam and nurtured by trust. From the first days of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah to the present premiership of Shehbaz Sharif, the ties have weathered storms, celebrated triumphs, and stood resilient as a beacon of Muslim solidarity.

▲ COMPLEX SWARMING TACTICS are based on the notion drones rhizome manoeuvre over battlespace using terrain advantages reaching their target by 'indirect approaches'. Effectively drones achieve in the immediate airspace above an opponent all-round attack options, on multiple surreptitious vectors covering 360o on the plain, and 180o hemispherically. 180 o 360 o Observer's Eye.

Generating credible deterrence in the Indo-Pacific is premised upon the ability of the US and its allies/partners to act collectively and operate together effectively.  Whilst this is important across all natures of operations, this particularly significant for operations in the information environment (OIE).  A key means to achieve this outcome is by doctrinal alignment:  using compatible terms and concepts in doctrine to minimise friction and to build a shared vision of intended  ways, means, and ends.  This entails more than merely understanding the ontology (the ‘what’) of partner doctrine, but also its aetiology (the ‘why’).  The purpose of this paper is to contribute to such a shared understanding to enhance US-Australian interoperability in the OIE.

In this paper I provide an account of the evolution of information-based operating concepts (IBOC), as instantiated in Australian joint operations doctrine.  In the first part of the paper, I address fundamental conceptual matters:  key definitions; the relationship between operating concepts and doctrine; the place of doctrine in generating military capability; and the role of doctrine in generating multi-national interoperability.  In the second part of the paper, I provide an account of the origins and evolution of IBOC in Australian joint operations doctrine – from an ontological and aetiological perspective – from the mid-1970s to the present.  In the third part of the paper, I propose how understanding the ontology and aetiology IBOC in Australian joint operations doctrine can enhance US-Australian interoperability for OIE.  The paper concludes with some closing words on the increasing significance of OIE in the context of the evolving security environment in the Indo-Pacific region.

Israel's energy sector faces significant vulnerabilities during security emergencies, including potential electricity supply disruptions driven by military demands and economic constraints. Although the country has shifted from imported oil to domestic natural gas and is gradually expanding its use of renewables, systemic weaknesses, such as limited storage capacity, centralized grid design, and inadequate integration of intermittent sources persist. This study employs a mixed-methods approach to evaluate the sector's structural resilience. Quantitative analysis draws on official data to assess trends in electricity production, fuel diversification, and consumption. The qualitative component involves a structured content analysis of policy documents, regulatory decisions, and institutional reports. The findings highlight growing gaps between electricity demand and emergency preparedness, particularly in light of Israel's heavy reliance on natural gas and the absence of a strategic reserve. The study concludes with policy recommendations aimed at enhancing the resilience of Israel's energy system under conditions of armed conflict.

Bu çalışma, savunma harcamalarının makroekonomik göstergelerden: dış ticaret dengesi, istihdam, işsizlik, enflasyon, gayri safi yurt içi hasıla, ekonomik büyüme; sosyoekonomik değişkenlerden: jeopolitik risk ve politik istikrar endeksi ile ilişkisini araştırmaktadır. Çalışmanın amacı, ülkelerin mecburi olarak gerçekleştirdikleri savunma harcamalarının makroekonomik ve sosyoekonomik etkilerini saptayarak pozitif dışsallıklar sağlayacak politika önerilerini tespit etmektir. Bu kapsamda çalışma savunma harcamalarına ilişkin dört bölüm ve üç makaleden oluşmaktadır. Tüm makalelerde nicel yöntemler kullanılmıştır. Veriler Eviews 12 programı ile analiz edilmiştir. Bir ülkenin ekonomik yatırımlarının artması ve ekonomik büyüme hedeflerine ulaşabilmesi için jeopolitik risk endeksi ilişkisinden hareketle ülkede güvenliğin sağlanması gereklidir. Güvenlik ön şartı için savunma harcamaları jeopolitik risk endeksini en düşük seviyelere gelmesini sağlayacak miktarda yapılmalıdır. Savunma sektörüne yapılan yatırımlarda kullanılan ve geliştirilen teknolojiler diğer sektörlere ülke içinde aktarılmalı, oluşabilecek dışlama etkisinin önüne geçilmelidir. Savunma sanayinde ortaya çıkan buluşların ihracatı teşvik edilmeli, ülkeye döviz girişi gerçekleştirilerek dış ticaret dengesine pozitif dışsallıklar sağlanmalıdır. Sektörde kullanılan girdilerin olabildiğince ithalattan bağımsız elde edilmeye çalışılması ile net ihracatın azalmasının önüne geçilmelidir. Kamu harcamalarından ayrılan payın artması yerine özel sektörün savunma alanında yatırımlar yapması teşvik edilerek, bütçe üzerindeki yükün artmasına engel
v
olunmalıdır. Böylece para arzı artışı ile oluşabilecek bir enflasyonun ve yerel para biriminde değer kaybının önüne geçilecek, özel sektörde istihdam artışı sağlanacak ve aynı zamanda savunma harcamaları artışının diğer olumlu etkilerinden yararlanabilecektir. Teorilerin geçerliliğinin kısa ve uzun dönemde değişmesinden hareketle gelecekteki çalışmaların bu ayrımı dikkate alarak yapılması ile ülkelerin kısa ve uzun vadeli politikalarının daha doğru önerileri sağlanabilecektir.

Buku Intelijen 5.0 dan Tantangan Keamanan merupakan merupakan proses tersusun untuk mendukung pengambilan keputusan di berbagai sektor, seperti pemerintahan, keamanan, ekonomi, politik, dan lain-lain. Siklus intelijen yang dikemukakan oleh Prunckun (2010), yaitu perencanaan dan pengarahan, pengumpulan, pemrosesan, analisis dan produksi, serta diseminasi dan umpan balik, yang semuanya saling terkait. Pengumpulan intelijen sendiri terdiri dari berbagai sumber dan teknik, baik melalui Human Intelligence (HUMINT) yang melibatkan interaksi langsung dengan individu, maupun Non-Human Intelligence (Non-HUMINT) yang mengandalkan teknologi dan perangkat nonmanusia, yang dalam perspektif jaringan aktor Bruno Latour berperan sebagai aktor yang setara dengan manusia. Dalam praktiknya, perbedaan utama antara HUMINT dan TECHINT terletak pada sumber data, metode pengumpulan, tingkat subjektivitas, keterlibatan manusia, serta kecepatan analisis, yang menjadikan teknologi bukan hanya sebagai alat bantu tetapi juga aktor dalam intelijen modern. Kegiatan kontra intelijen berfungsi melindungi informasi dari ancaman pengumpulan dan sabotase oleh pihak lain, sementara pengamanan personel bertujuan menciptakan lingkungan kerja yang aman bagi petugas dari ancaman intelijen lawan. Selain itu, pengamanan informasi persandian menjadi krusial untuk menjaga kerahasiaan dan integritas data, sejalan dengan prinsip etika intelijen yang menekankan akuntabilitas dan tanggung jawab moral dalam pelaksanaan tugas intelijen. Perlindungan data rahasia menjadi prioritas utama, bahwa organisasi intelijen harus mengimplementasikan strategi keamanan yang ketat dan adaptif di era digital. Fusi intelijen menjadi pendekatan strategis dengan menggabungkan berbagai disiplin dan sumber informasi sekaligus adanya kompartementasi untuk membatasi diseminasi sesuai alamat.

politistes européens, plus des deux tiers ont été publiées ces quinze dernières années (après 2000), contre un tiers seulement les trois décennies précédentes (1970-2000). Ce développement significatif de l'état des connaissances n'a pourtant pas encore fait l'objet d'un bilan de la littérature systématique. Le périmètre de cet état de l'art exclut un certain nombre de travaux connexes. Les recherches menées sur le même objet d'étude en histoire 7 et en économie 8 ne sont pas prises en compte. De même, les études produites en science politique mais qui énoncent des questions de recherche connexes telles que le commerce des armes (contrôle et soutien des exportations) 9 ou le phénomène d'intégration européenne du secteur de l'armement (institutionnalisation de l'Europe de l'armement) 10

Publiée dans le contexte du Brexit, cette étude analyse la politique d'armement du Royaume-Uni pour éclairer le « double rapport » du Royaume-Uni à l'Europe : être in en prenant part à des coopérations avec d'autres Etats européens, être out en restant éloigné, voire en quittant des programmes multilatéraux en Europe. A partir de données exclusives, elle montre que la participation britannique au programme d'avion de transport militaire A400M résulte d'une stratégie portée par un assemblage d'acteurs politiques, administratifs et industriels qui, percevant l'A400M comme un « camion » plutôt que comme une « voiture de course », utilisent le cadre de coopération européenne pour maintenir le rang de l'industrie de la défense britannique. Quant à la décision de ne pas participer au programme EuroMale, elle découle d'un affaiblissement de la volonté des acteurs politiques et, concomitamment, d'un renforcement des relations conflictuelles entre les administrations et les industries françaises et britanniques. Ce faisant, cette recherche contribue à la littérature sur l'acquisition d'armements par des partenariats internationaux en études stratégiques, et à celle sur l'intégration différenciée en études européennes. Published in the context of Brexit, this research paper analyses the 'double relationship' between Britain and Europe: being 'in' by taking part in co-operation with other European states, and at the same time being 'out' by staying away from or even leaving multilateral programmes in Europe. This dilemma is worked on from the case of defence procurement policy. How does the British government decide to be both 'in' and 'out' of Europe by participating in the A400M military transport aircraft programme and withdrawing from the EuroMale UAV programme? Based on exclusive data, the decision in favour of the A400M ('in') is explained by the action of political, administrative and industrial actors who perceive the A400M as a 'truck' rather than a 'race car'. As for the British State's decision not to participate in the EuroMale programme ('out'), it is conditioned by a weakening of the political will of political actors, and at the same time by a strengthening of conflicting relations between French and British administrations and industries. In doing so, this research contributes to the literature on the acquisition of armaments in strategic studies, and to the literature on differentiated integration in European studies. Résumé

Using a number of small flying drones does not change the fundamentals of swarming tactics. In essence, with the large-scale fielding of small weapon carrying drones, the two altering dynamics are: (1) Humans are physically distanced from the weapons they are using; (2) Small drone use changes Swarming Tactics Geometry, as various attacks are able to fully exploit the 3D space encompassing an opponent. That being said, the phenomenon of a number of tactical entities (in this case small drones) able to buzz an opponent, attacking from multiple vectors complicating the opponent’s ability to counter these varied incoming threats remains a core fundamental of swarming tactics.

The term 'war economy' was first used in reference to the First World War, to highlight its differences from the peacetime economy. During the years when the Keynesian approach to the relationship between the state and the market prevailed, these differences were attenuated, but they were reemphasised with the triumph of neoliberal thought. Thus, the fact that market invasiveness is not merely a component of the war economy, but rather a cause of war. The same is true of capitalism, which, with globalisation, has returned to being an economic order based on the clan as a reference structure. Evidence of this evolution can be seen in European policies, which, during the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, began constructing a war economy and even a war system aimed not at military defence, but at disciplining society.