Politics and International Relations

Peace building aims 'to create the conditions necessary for a sustainable peace in war-torn societies'. 1 Sustainable peace requires an end to hostilities, or at least a significant reduction in the level of violence, and the creation of stable political institutions. 2 One approach in attempting to promote stability in post-conflict situations is to 'identify traits by which the population has been divided during the conflict, and make sure each group defined by such traits is proportionally represented in the new state organs. Such variables could be everything from geography to gender to religion'. 3 However, in practice, international actors involved in peace processes have frequently singled out ethnicity as the predominant division in post-conflict societies. 4 In recent peace processes and interventions international actors have adopted this approach thereby conceiving of political legitimacy in terms of ethnically representative government. 5 Consociational theory has provided the main theoretical framework for recent peace processes based on ethnic representation, although it was not originally developed to address ethnic divisions in post-conflict societies. Consociational theory argues that political stability in divided societies is best achieved through guaranteeing the participation and autonomy of significant groups within society. In order to achieve this it recommends power sharing, especially at the executive level; group autonomy on internal affairs, especially education and culture; proportional representation of some form in elections, and a mutual veto for groups. 6 Proportionality and power sharing provide guarantees of effective representation and participation in decision making to all significant A. Guelke (ed.

There has been a tendency of late to conflate all Muslims as belonging to a single nation and aspiring to a single political aim. This effect has been achieved by some authors so as to accommodate Islamophobia, but by others to generate a sense of inclusive unity that encloses all Muslims. We contend that in the post 9/11 climate of Islamophobia women wearing the scarf, the mohajabehs, are making a political choice. They are publicly branding themselves as Muslims at a time when such a label carries the potential fear of making them vulnerable to open hostility. But the Islam that they embody is distinct and different from the stark, gendered divides envisaged by protagonists on both side of the Islamophobic divide. The unity demanded by some of the highly vocal and visible Islamic groups marginalises the contestations posed within these groups by women who may be described as feminists. The specificities demanded by those who envisage Islam primarily as an antagonistic political fo...

The unprecedented demand for raw materials caused by the industrial development of the  emerging countries, mainly China and India, has pushed the EU to design a raw material strategy thereby ensuring the access of the EU downstream and manufacturing industries to raw materials. Apart from the sustainable supply of raw materials from European  sources and resource efficiency through recycling; fair access to international raw  material markets constitutes an essential pillar of this strategy. In this context, the EU implements external trade policies to eliminate and/or relieve the export restrictions imposed by the EU’s trade partners on raw materials. These external trade policies include using multilateral platforms -mainly rules-based trade governance under the WTO-, achieving bilateral and regional initiatives and resorting to unilateral and coercive measures such as imposing trade remedy measures. When implementing and designing these trade policy tools, the economic and material interests of the EU are prioritized over other policy considerations which are related to the values and principles of the EU’s identity as well as its single market rules. Furthermore, the EU seeks to find the best policy tools whereby it gains a comparative advantage in global trade. The EU resorts to the most appropriate and effective measures and diplomatic tools in order to ensure access  to raw materials provided that these policy tools are sufficient to protect and promote its interests regardless of their appropriateness and compatibility with multilateral and rulesbased trade system. Taking into account these policy patterns, this study argues that the  realist power theory for the EU in global trade must be recalled in order to assess critically the EU’s external trade policies towards export restrictions imposed by its trade partners on industrial raw materials.

Gümrük vergileri, eşya üzerinden alınan objektif vergilerden olsa da bazı muafiyetlerden sadece bazı kişiler faydalanabilmektedir. Gerçek kişilere ait şahsî eşyanın gümrük vergilerinden muaf olarak serbest dolaşıma sokulmasında da kişinin hukukî statüsü önemli olabilmektedir. Gerçek kişilere ait şahsî eşyanın muaf olarak serbest dolaşıma sokulabildiği bazı hâllerde Türk vatandaşlığına sahip olma şartı aranabilmektedir. Dahası ilgili kişinin Türk vatandaşlığını kazanma yolu ve çok vatandaşlığa sahip olması da önemli olabilmektedir. Yabancılar kural olarak Türk vatandaşlığı şartının arandığı muafiyet hükümlerinden faydalanamazlar. Öte yandan, bazı yabancılara ilişkin özel düzenlemelerde konuyla ilgili hükümlere de bakmak gerekir.

The African elephant (Loxodanta africana) is regulated under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, and as a rule, international trade of it and of its parts such as ivory is banned. Throughout this study, the international ban on the trade of ivory is critically assessed as to whether it is consistent with the principles of sustainable development. The definition, scope and principles of sustainable development are already controversial in environmental politics. In this paper, the principles of sustainable development are regarded as sustainable use, equity, common but differentiated responsibilities, participation, good governance, integrity and precautionary principles in line with New Delhi Declaration of Principles of International Law Relating to Sustainable Development. In this paper, it is argued that the international ban on the trade of ivory is not consistent with these principles since it disregards sustainable use of natural resources, equity, needs and participation of local people, necessity of good governance and integration of different policy areas. While resorting to a trade ban might seem feasible as an alternative to taking environmental risks within the framework of the precautionary principle, this principle alone does not constitute the sole basis for a trade ban.

The African elephant (Loxodanta africana) is regulated under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, and as a rule, international trade of it and of its parts such as ivory is banned. Throughout this study, the international ban on the trade of ivory is critically assessed as to whether it is consistent with the principles of sustainable development. The definition, scope and principles of sustainable development are already controversial in environmental politics. In this paper, the principles of sustainable development are regarded as sustainable use, equity, common but differentiated responsibilities, participation, good governance, integrity and precautionary principles in line with New Delhi Declaration of Principles of International Law Relating to Sustainable Development. In this paper, it is argued that the international ban on the trade of ivory is not consistent with these principles since it disregards sustainable use of natural resources, equity, needs and participation of local people, necessity of good governance and integration of different policy areas. While resorting to a trade ban might seem feasible as an alternative to taking environmental risks within the framework of the precautionary principle, this principle alone does not constitute the sole basis for a trade ban.

Yabancı plakalı motorlu kara taşıtları, geçici ithalat yoluyla yurda giriş yapmakta ve geçici olarak yurt içinde kullanılmaktadır. Bu geçici ithalat halinde aranan şartlar ve buna ilişkin usul ve esaslar gümrük mevzuatında ayrıntılı olarak düzenlenmiştir. Yabancı plakalı motorlu karayolu taşıtının Türkiye'de geçerli zorunlu mali sorumluluk sigortasının bulunması bu şartlarla birlikte gümrük mevzuatında yer almasına rağmen, bu zorunluluğun asıl hukuki kaynağı karayolları trafik mevzuatıdır. Geçici ithalat yoluyla yurda giriş yapan motorlu kara taşıtının Türkiye'de geçerli bir zorunlu mali sorumluluk sigortası veya ona eşdeğer uluslararası geçerliliği olan bir sigorta sertifikasının (yeşil kart) bulunması gerekir. Aksi halde, bu taşıtlar için Türkiye'ye girişi sırasında zorunlu mali sorumluluk sigortası yapılacaktır. Sınırda yapılan bu sigorta, Türkiye'de tescil edilen yerli plakalı araçlar için yapılan sigortadan daha kısa süreli olabilir. Ancak, sigortanın kapsamı bakımından yabancı plakalı motorlu kara taşıtlarının Türkiye'de tescil edilen yerli plakalı taşıtlarla aynı esasları tabi olması lazımdır. Nihayetinde de konunun gümrük mevzuatı yerine münhasıran karayolları trafik mevzuatında düzenlenmesi uygun olacaktır. İlaveten, yabancı plakalı motorlu kara taşıtları için zorunlu mali sorumluluk sigortası gerekliliğinin yerine getirilmemesi durumunda ise bunun hukuki sonuçlarını da gümrük mevzuatında değil, karayolları trafik mevzuatında aramak gerekir.

This paper unveils the Trotskyist-Lambertist cell formation in Yugoslavia and the key role played by Yugoslav Trotskyists. It establishes their pre-1972 existence and active involvement in the actions leading to the 1972 conviction of three Belgrade students. This pioneering historiographical research sheds new light on post-1968 Belgrade student movement dynamics. Beyond uncovering hitherto unnoticed resistance to the communist regime, this study argues for social history approach, emphasizing activist perspectives, and innovative sources drawn from French archives, private collections, and oral history. The findings offer a nuanced comprehension of the regime’s repression tactics.

This article offers a short overview of the published and unpublished sources required for the exploration of the topic of Trotskyism in the postwar Yugoslavia. It highlights the necessity of the utilization of archives in multiple countries in order to grasp the functioning of such a transnational phenomenon as Trotskyism.

Cet article offre un bref aperçu des sources publiées et non publiées nécessaires à l’étude de l’histoire du trotskysme dans la Yougoslavie de l’après-guerre. Il souligne la nécessité d’utiliser les archives de plusieurs pays afin de saisir le fonctionnement du trotskysme qui est un phénomène foncièrement transnational.

RESUMO É difícil compreender o que é a China hoje. A literatura e outras formas de representação artística são um dos meios, porém, a maioria das pesquisas se atém à cálculos econômicos, avaliações de desempenho e análises frias, limitando as possibilidades de estudo. Falta-nos observar por meio de canais de caráter subjetivo, mais próximos à sensibilidade humana, como a música. Em uma análise das músicas mais tocadas no ano de 2015, percebemos que há uma hiper-valorização do "matrimónio" como "resolução" dos destinos, das utopias e dos conflitos sociais. O foco está cada vez mais no indivíduo e na realização do matrimônio heteronormativo. Num tempo em que capitalismo financeiro se mistura com a venda de casamentos, analisar esse campo da cultura será de utilidade para compreender a China e sua relação com a globalização.

China’s reform period has inaugurated different processes of capital accumulation from which new capitalist classes have emerged. The expansion of these classes in the soybean commodity chain and their relation- ship with the state have triggered different forms of integration into global supply chains. However, the development trajectory of China’s soybean complex has contributed to the rise of a single dominant class faction: the state-transna- tional capitalist class. This class has been nurtured by the financially-driven, internationalised expansion of the China National Cereals, Oils and Food- stuffs Corporation (COFCO). Its prominence has enabled COFCO to replicate its expansion methods abroad and, consequently, to change China’s role in the world soybean commodity chain.

A chegada do partido comunista ao poder na China constitui um ponto de virada da conjuntura internacional. Este país de proporções continentais passou a ser um dos focos da estratégia norte americana de contenção ao movimento comunista no mundo. A pressão americana foi determinante para o rechaço diplomático do Brasil, bem como dos demais países da América Latina, ao governo de Mao Zedong, principalmente depois da Guerra da Coreia. A China, contudo, se aproxima dos países do terceiro mundo, sob a influencia do "espirito da conferencia de Bandung" e a partir da revolução cubana (1959) ganha maior poder de influência sobre o continente latino americano. No Brasil, foram centrados esforços na constituição de um projeto de desenvolvimento comum com o propósito de conquistar o apoio diplomático dos governos "populistas". Mas esta estratégia foi abortada com a chegada do regime militar. A partir daí, os dois países mantiveram apenas discreta relação comercial. No entanto, a aproximação da China com os Estados Unidos no início dos anos 70 e a consequente transformação do cenário internacional, abrem espaço para o reencontro diplomático da China com o Brasil. Os dois países vislumbram um crescente intercâmbio comercial, e no início do governo Geisel (1974) logram formalizar o reestabelecimento das relações diplomáticas. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: China; Brasil; política externa. ABSTRACT The seizure of power by the Communist Party in China constitutes a turning point in the international system. North American political strategy has been largely focused its containment of the spread of Communist ideology on the influence of this country of immense proportions. American pressure was crucial for diplomatic rejection of Brazil and other Latin American countries to the new government, especially after the Korean War. China, however, has fortified its ties with third world countries, under the influence of the "spirit of Bandung Conference", and from the Cuban Revolution (1959), gained greater influence over the Latin American continent. In Brazil, efforts were focused on the development of a joint development project with the purpose of winning diplomatic support from "populist governments". But this strategy was abandoned after the beginning of the Brazilian military regime. From there onward, the two countries have only had a mild commercial relationship. However, the normalization of China-United States relations in the early 70s, and the consequent transformation of the international arena, opened space for a diplomatic meeting of China and Brazil. The two countries envision growing trade, and at the beginning of Geisel's government (1974) managed to formalize the establishment of diplomatic relations.

Resumo Desde as reformas de abertura, a China experimenta uma transformação multifacetada no campo. Em um primeiro momento é realizada uma política de expansão do mercado interno, dando maior ênfase à agricultura e à industria leve. Em seguida, são feitos ajustes estruturais, abrindo a economia ao capital privado, dando prioridade à indústria exportadora em detrimento da agricultura. A partir de meados dos anos dois mil, a China entra numa nova fase de desenvolvimento, levando maior proteção social às famílias rurais e promovendo a modernização da agricultura. Porém, as próprias contradições deste movimento geram resultados adversos, como a concentração de terras e a tendência à proletarização do trabalhador rural. Neste momento, a inserção da economia chinesa no mercado internacional atua como apoio ao avanço do capital sobre o trabalho no campo. A entrada de produtos do agronegócio brasileiro, como a soja, ajudam a desarticular a organização social e o modelo de produção agrário até então vigentes na China, alimentando os efeitos nocivos de sua modernização. Palavras-chave: Agronegócio, China, soja

The mid-2000s foreign headway over China's soybean downstream complex, known as the battle of the beans, reinforced an uncritical nationalist discourse over food security based on a Sino-foreign dichotomy. This article demonstrates through an empirically rich analysis based on four crucial Chinese SOEs that such a discourse ignores diverging capitalist accumulation strategies as two SOEs (COFCO and Chinatex) took advantage of global soybean price fluctuations to grow in association with foreign agribusiness. Instead, I suggest that food security reflects dynamic state-capital relations in China evidenced by the political reaction of two state-owned competitors (Jiusan and Sinograin), endorsing its nationalist appeal.

Neomercantilism is commonly portrayed as a central mechanism of China's global agribusiness engagement. It implies reordering the international food regime by moving away from financial and trade liberalization and securing stable import supplies and price controls under state support. However, this article raises an alternative interpretation through an empirical-rich investigation of the prominence of the state-owned China Oil and Foodstuffs Corporation (COFCO) in the soybean commodity chain. The article draws upon analyses of the Chinese state and international food regime to demonstrate that recent changes in state-capital relations during the Xi Jinping administration propelled forms of capital accumulation based on financial speculation and shareholder values. I conclude that state-driven internationalization has placed Chinese agribusiness in an advantageous position within global finance rather than challenging it through agrarian neomercantilist strategies.

This article reassesses the role of foreign investments in China’s rural industrialization in the 1980s and the early 1990s. It draws upon the power disputes between agri-business transnational corporations (TNCs) and central domestic players in the country’s soybean complex. I follow Chris Bramall’s argument that food processing infrastructure grew progressively since the Maoist era in the 1960s and 1970s, instead of springing from foreign investments or pro-business local state officials during the reform and opening up. However, I go beyond this assumption by suggesting that foreign investments often had a detrimental role in rural industrialization, depending on their political action. I show through in-depth empirical analyses that due to the Maoist industrial legacy, soybean processors from Northeast China consolidated an endogenous form of accumulation based on local circuits of production and consumption under state protectionism. This specific industrialization trajectory has put them on opposite sides from agribusiness TNCs. The liberalization agenda pushed by the TNCs through bilateral and multilateral levels of influence culminated in the opening of China’s soybean imports in the late 1990s, allowing the consolidation of their global trade monopoly to the detriment of domestic players.