Patristic Exegesis

L’articolo cerca di mettere in evidenza le principali caratteristiche dell’interpretazione del mito di Circe presentata da Gregorio di Nissa, collocandola all’interno della storia ermeneutica del passo omerico e delle altre riprese gregoriane. Il contributo prende in considerazione alcune parole ed espressioni che risultano rivelatrici dell’approccio e della riflessione di Gregorio, che in polemica con Eunomio richiama più o meno velatamente numerosi testi della tradizione classica e tecnica, rendendo la propria opera estremamente evocativa e allusiva.

Theophany, or God’s revealing presence through vivid sensory phenomena, plays a vital role in biblical theology. At Mount Sinai, God’s presence manifested dramatically with thunder, lightning, the sound of a ram’s horn, and a smoking mountain. These theophanic signs were intended to showcase His transcendent glory and motivate the Israelites towards covenant faithfulness (Exod 20:21). Exodus’s four theophanic elements are also echoed in the book of Revelation. However, in Revelation, these same four signs serve a different purpose: to prompt repentance among the ungodly (8:3; 9:20–21).

Revelation incorporates four theophanies using Sinai-like imagery. The initial theophany occurs in the heavenly throne room, but it lacks earthquake imagery (4:5). Earthquakes become prominent only during divine judgment episodes: starting with the sixth seal (6:12–17), through the seven trumpets (8:3–9:21; 11:15–19), and culminating with the seven bowls of wrath (15:5–16:21). The last three theophanies (8:5; 11:19; 16:18) add a heavenly earthquake. These tremors serve as signs of Christ’s imminent return, occurring in both heavenly and earthly realms, until the final “great earthquake” at the culmination of judgment in the seventh Bowl (16:18–19), marking the divine consummation of justice.

This raises an important question: what does “theophanic theology” mean for missiology then and now? John’s seven ekklēsia associations (“churches”) in Roman Asia were no strangers to earthquakes. Sardis and Philadelphia suffered major quakes in 17 CE, and Laodicea experienced a similar destruction in 60 CE. Nearby Phrygian Apamea, with a notable Jewish population, was struck by an earthquake in 88 BCE. This community believed Noah’s Ark rested on Apamea’s Celaenae Hill, linking their story to biblical Flood traditions (Sib. Or. 1.261–62). If they associated earthquakes with the Flood and eschatological judgment, as implied by Genesis 7:11 and Isaiah 24, then Revelation’s earthquake imagery would have resonated strongly with Jews in Roman Asia. John’s calls for repentance aimed at “those who dwell on the earth” (Rev 6:9; 8:13; 11:10; 13:14; 17:8) would have had visceral power, reinforced by visual imagery rooted in Jewish tradition.

Today, in America, societal upheavals reflect seismic shifts, with social and political fault lines growing rigid. Theophanic imagery—depicting God’s presence through sensory intensity—has renewed relevance. It offers a compelling tool for missiology, inspiring both believers and non-believers to live faithfully and in unity amidst diversity, echoing the biblical call to manifest God’s presence on earth.

Σε αυτή την εργασία, επιδιώκουμε να αναδείξουμε την πραγματική σημασία του αριθμού 153, που βρίσκεται στο Ευαγγέλιο του Ιωάννη. Αυτό το θέμα είναι αρκετά σημαντικό, καθώς είναι άρρηκτα συνυφασμένο με το βιβλίο του προφήτη Ιεζεκιήλ και την ιερή γεωμετρία. Αυτό το ζήτημα αξίζει πραγματικά ιδιαίτερης προσοχής από όσους ενδιαφέρονται, ώστε να μπορέσουν να εκτιμήσουν τις εγγενείς λεπτότητες που αναδύονται από το βιβλικό κείμενο.

Die im Band versammelten Beiträge gehen auf das Seminar "Johannine Literature» der Society of New Testament Studies zurück und repräsentieren zentrale Forschungspositionen zum Johannesevangelium nach dem Niedergang der Semeiaquellenhypothese. Die Beitragenden untersuchen zentrale Fragen der Johannesexegese anhand detaillierter Fallstudien und breiterer theologischer Überlegungen. Mehrere Beiträge konzentrieren sich auf spezifische Semeia-Erzählungen -einschließlich der Erzählung aus Johannes 21 -und analysieren die literarische und theologische Funktion des Begriffs "Semeia«. Sie befassen sich mit übergreifenden Fragen wie dem Zusammenspiel von Zeichen und Glaube bzw. Unglaube, der Beziehung zwischen Zeichen und Werken und der Rolle der Semeia innerhalb der narrativen Struktur und des theologischen Rahmens des Evangeliums. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt den Auslegungspraktiken, insbesondere der Schriftexegese, wie sie im johanneischen Corpus angewendet werden. Ein abschließender Beitrag analysiert die Rezeption des Kana-Wunders bei Johannes Chrysostomos und bietet damit einen patristischen Ausblick auf die Wirkungsgeschichte der Semeia-Thematik. Der Band bietet eine fundierte Zusammenschau gegenwärtiger exegetischer Diskurse und setzt Impulse für weiterführende Fragestellungen innerhalb der Johannesforschung.

We współczesnych badaniach biblijnych moŜna zauwaŜyć daleko posuniętą rezerwę w stosunku do metod interpretacji tekstu Pisma Świętego stosowanej przez Ojców Kościoła 1 , gdyŜ wydają się być za bardzo zaleŜne od luźnych skojarzeń komentatora. Z drugiej jednak strony dziedzictwo takiej właśnie interpretacji kształtowało rozumienie Biblii poprzez wieki. Wobec zaprezentowanej sytuacji uzasadnionym zdaje się pytanie, czy moŜna stworzyć takie podejście do dawnych komentarzy, aby wyrazić ich treść w bardziej obiektywnym języku, właściwym dla współczesnej nauki. Wydaje się, Ŝe pierwsze kroki zostały w tym kierunku juŜ poczynione, podjęto mianowicie próby opisania metod interpretacji Pisma Świętego Ojców w taki sposób, aby wykazać ich zainteresowanie sensem wyrazowym tekstu, co jest punktem wyjścia dla współczesnej egzegezy. Przykładem jest artykuł A. Paciorka rzucający nowe światło na relację współczesnych badań do alegorii aleksandryjskiej i teorii szkoły antiocheńskiej 2 . Tego typu prace pomagają pozbyć się uprzedzeń w stosunku do działań pisarzy staroŜytnych i stanowią dobry punkt wyjścia do dalszych badań. Pozostaje jednak problem usystematyzowania tak róŜnorodnego materiału zawartego w komentarzach i wyraŜenia go językiem bardziej współczesnym. Wydaje się, Ŝe ciekawy sposób podejścia pokazał K. Bardski w artykule zamieszczonym w jedenastym tomie Warszawskich Studiów Teologicznych 3 . Proponuje on wyróŜnić w komentarzu dwa spojrzenia: intencję tekstu, którą czytelnik odkrywa, czyli wszelkie moŜliwe interpretacje zakorzenione w tekście i z niego wypływające, choć wprost w nim nieobecne oraz pewna tradycję interpretacyjną, czyli wspólny nurt w jaki układają się wnioski z komentarzy róŜnych autorów 4 . Swoją propozycję metodologiczną K. Bardski zastosował z powodzeniem w analizie komentarza św. Hieronima do Księgi Koheleta 5 .

Typology has long served as a central hermeneutical method for interpreting the unity of Scripture, linking the Old and New Testaments through patterns of continuity and fulfillment. This paper explores the biblical, theological, and contextual dimensions of typology and evaluates its ongoing relevance for Christian interpretation. The study traces typology's historical development from its apostolic and patristic foundations, through its refinement in the Reformation, to its marginalization under Enlightenment rationalism and subsequent recovery in modern hermeneutics. Building on biblical examples-such as Adam, the Passover lamb, and the exodus-typology is presented as a scripturally grounded method that safeguards historical meaning while revealing Christological fulfillment. Theologically, typology informs doctrines of Christology, ecclesiology, sacramental theology, and eschatology, providing a framework for reading Scripture as a unified witness to God's redemptive plan. At the same time, typology faces criticisms, including confusion with allegory, supersessionist tendencies, and objections from historical-critical and postmodern perspectives. The paper responds by highlighting responsible, non-supersessionist, and contextually sensitive uses of typology. Special attention is given to African hermeneutics, where typology bridges biblical faith and African cultural traditions such as ancestor veneration, rites of passage, and communal leadership. These cultural practices, when read typologically, prefigure and find fulfillment in Christ, offering fresh avenues for inculturation theology. The paper concludes that typology, when critically and contextually applied, remains a vital hermeneutical approach that affirms the unity of Scripture, centers interpretation on Christ, and deepens the contextual relevance of the gospel.

Existen conceptos que, por su importancia, se convierten en una llave que permite adentrase en el misterio de la teología. Uno de ellos es el de «theosis», que significa divinización o deificación. Este es el primer libro que ofrece una narración coherente sobre el desarrollo de este concepto.

En una sociedad que apenas mira al pasado, la teología patrística invita a regresar a los autores y temas fontales que ayudan a ver con una luz siempre nueva la vocación de los bautizados, reflejo de la condición humana última. Figuras como Dionisio el Areopagita no sólo se revelan fundamentales para Bizancio, sino también para el Occidente medieval, donde refuerza la interioridad personal que devuelve a los seres humanos al momento en el que fueron creados por Dios como únicos e irrepetibles.

En el último siglo la «theosis» ha encontrado en Occidente una inesperada juventud gracias a los teólogos rusos de la Escuela de París. La profundización en este concepto se ha revelado enormemente fecunda, hasta el punto de convertirse en una de las corrientes principales de la teología y de la espiritualidad popular.

The article aims to identify the features of the church hagiographic writings of P. A. Smirnov and give an overview of the first reviews of his works. To achieve this task, a source analysis of the works was carried out using methods of comparative analysis, systematization and critical interpretation of sources. The first book, The Life and Teachings of His Grace Theophan the Recluse of Vyshensk, was prepared for the tenth anniversary of the death of the saint with the support of the abbot of the Vyshenskaya Desert and co-priest of St. Archimandrite Arkady (Chestonov, 1821–1907). The book, written by a contemporary of the saint who lived near the monastery and had the opportunity to visit it often, turned out to be lively and factual and received approval from reviewers. The peculiarity of P. A. Smirnov’s church hagiographic works is the inclusion in the outline of the narrative not only information about life, but also large detailed thematic sections from the spiritual heritage of Theophan the Recluse. Thus, the work done by the compiler allows readers to get acquainted to a large extent not only with the life, but also with the works of the saint. To this day, the works of P. A. Smirnov are fundamental for everyone who begins to study the life and works of St. Theophan.

I N A RECENT ESSAY CONCERNING THE DEARTH OF TRINITARIAN INFLUENCE ON THE theology of creation, Colin Gunton argues that the only way of adequately articulating the relation of Creator and creation is to speak about Trinity and creation. Since in the west the doctrine of creation has generally been formulated without the notion of personal relation on which the doctrine of the Trinity rests, the relation between God and cosmos has inevitably been misconstrued in one of two forms, both of which have unacceptable consequences. The first form, under Aristotelian influence, has God and world related as cause is to effect. In this way of thinking, the world's dependence on God is upheld, but this obvious truth is secured by the sacrifice of creaturely autonomy. In fact, this "God as cause" model, when pushed to its logical limit, results in pantheism. The second way of 254

In an attempt to bring academic texts to the attention and judgment of the common citizen, I first translated each of the Latin words contained in the Biblia Sacra Vulgata – Editio 5, compiled by Weber & Gryson, and created a dictionary in English, Portuguese, and Spanish, the three major languages spoken in the Americas. Now, I conclude this exhaustive work by bringing data from the Greek New Testament, NA28 – Editio 25, compiled by Nestlé & Aland, which will soon be available in the same three languages.

Le notizie sulla condanna di Ario a Nicea e sul suo esilio, provengono dalle HE dal V secolo, ma tutte sono riconducibili alle lettere contenute nella cosiddetta “appendice” al De decretis. Essa, “canonizzata” da Opitz nella sua edizione dell’opera atanasiana, passò per essere autentica e per di più, composta da Atanasio stesso. I vari documenti hanno persino ricevuto nell’edizione critica di Athanasius Werke i numeri continui di De decr., da 33 a 42, creando non poca confusione. Questi documenti, pieni di anacronismi, sembrano essere stati composti solo dopo la morte di Atanasio, il quale non ne fece la pur minima allusione. La situazione ad Alessandria era divenuta allora molto difficile per i niceni, perché la Chiesa era passata nelle mani degli omei, e si erano verificati vari disordini e atti di violenza in città. Per favorire il ritorno di Pietro ad Alessandria, sarebbero servite lettere autorevoli, magari firmate dall’Imperatore
compianto e venerato come grande benefattore della Chiesa, dalle quali far risultare che l’unico ad avere ragione nella lotta in difesa della fede e per l’unità della Chiesa in Egitto era Atanasio, di cui Pietro si trovava ad essere il legittimo successore.

Conference on 26th September 2025
The study explores the transformative concept of Christian time. The focus is on the Good Shepherd and the Apocalyptic Lamb of God, which represent the Divine and Human Natures of Christ. Through Him, Christians will reach the New Paradise, a transformation from the original. The sarcophagus of the Good Shepherd from Monastir (before 313) and the fresco fragments from St. Susan in Rome (first half of the 8th century), belonging to a ciborium and not to wall decoration, are significant examples of this inspiring concept.

The final part of the article describes the doctrine of the original sin and its consequences in Eastern and Western theology in the context of the interpretation of Rom. 5, 12. In particular, three variants of the translation of the expression «ἐφ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον» in patristic Eastern theology are considered: «by reason of which [death] all have sinned», «because all have sinned», «in him [in Adam] all have sinned». The differences in the understanding of original damage in Eastern theology, Pelagian doctrine and in the teaching of Augustine of Hippo. The article states that, according to Orthodox theology, every person has a mortal, corruptible, passionate nature for two reasons: because he inherited it as such from his parents at birth, and also because of his personal sins and his personal distance from God as the source of being and life. The meaning of the sacrament of Baptism is seen in Orthodox theology not to absolve a person of guilt for Adam’s sin or to wash away some «substantial sin» from him, but to become a member of the Body of Christ and receive the «firstfruits» («ἀπαρχή») of deification, without which every person is outside of God, outside of salvation. The conclusion is that orthodox theology avoids two extremes: both determinism and pelagianism. On the one hand, it rejects 1) «moderate augustinianism» (moderate determinism), according to which the free will of each person (apart from the «will» of the person himself!) tends to commit sin, but the person can and must resist this tendency, and 2) «strict augustinianism» (strict determinism), which proclaims that a person has no free will before receiving Baptism, since he cannot help but sin (the determinism of Blessed Augustine). On the other hand, the pelagian doctrine is rejected that after the fall (as well as before the fall) man experiences no obstacles in his striving for God and that as far as salvation is concerned, man’s existence in his fallen state is fundamentally no different from the existence of his ancestors in paradise before the fall.

A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em . Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso.

No presente artigo, temos por objetivo analisar a influência do topos clássico da "historia magistra vitae" no opúsculo Sobre a morte dos perseguidores, escrito pelo rétor cristão norte-africano . Nessa obra, observamos o intercruzamento dos cânones da historiografia grecoromana clássica e das ideias cristãs sobre a Providência Divina enquanto diretora da História.

Paper presented at the International Conference: The Council of Nicaea: The Unity of the Church and Georgia, held in Sulkhan-Saba Orbeliani University (October 1st 2025) and organized by the Roman Catholic Church in Georgia, the Institute for Religious Freedom, the University of Georgia, and the Ilia State University.

As a central endeavor of the Church Fathers, biblical hermeneutics took form and has been transmitted to us through an array of literary genres: from line-by-line commentaries on the books of Scripture to exegetical homilies and catenae, and from comprehensive treatises and scholia on selected passages to collections of questions and answers addressing difficult biblical loci. The present volume presents a series of significant patristic interpretations and exegetical approaches – each situated within its own interpretative framework and historical context – together with studies addressing other topics pertinent to contemporary patristic and historical research.

AUTHORS OF CHAPTERS:

Dragoș Bahrim • Paul M. Blowers • Dragoș Boicu • Iosif Camară • Roger Coresciuc • Cristian I. Dumitru • Dragoș Andrei Giulea • Octavian Gordon • Daniel Lemeni • Adrian Marinescu • Alexandru Mihăilă • Dragoș Mîrșanu • Georgi Parpulov • Tatiana Petrache • Sabin Preda • Dimitrios Zaganas • Ștefan Zară

The first section of the present article provides a condensed outline of the origins, the theological distinctives, and the development of early modern Schwenckfeldianism. The second part presents an extensive corpus of exegetical lectures held by Valentin Krautwald at the short-lived university of Liegnitz between 1526 and 1530. The erudite humanist Krautwald (rather than the eponymous Caspar Schwenckfeld himself) was the theological mastermind of nascent Schwenckfeldianism. Krautwald's newly discovered expositions of the Epistles of Paul, the Gospels of John and Matthew and Acts reveal the importance of academic Bible exegesis and thorough study of the Church Fathers for the formation of Schwenckfeldian theology, which can duly be characterized as a form of evangelical nonconformity from patristic sources.

Penitence in Byzantium required the pious to cultivate compunction (κατάνυξις) and also practice contrition (συντριβή).  In Greek as in Latin, both terms have violent connotations, the first with the image of pricking and the second with the image of crushing or shattering, which persisted in its physical sense throughout Byzantium.  This paper investigates how such brutal and disruptive motifs came to express positive psychological processes.  Tracing the history of crushed hearts, this paper suggests that instead of being a method to demean yourself before God, contrition is seen as rewarding and salutary.  You earn positive thoughts about God by entertaining negative thoughts about yourself; and the ability to crush complacency—with unstable metaphors of violence—is understood as empowering, as well as opportune in inviting God’s forgiveness.  You willingly undergo unpleasant emotions in order to flourish in a devotion whose final proof is the ability to shatter your own heart.

Evagrius prefaces his great trilogy on the monastic life, the Praktikos-Gnostikos-KephalaiaGnostika, with a prologue in the form of a letter addressed to his 'beloved brother Anatolios', in which he states that the Kephalaia Gnostika comprises six hundred chapters. Yet each of the work's six centuries in fact contains only ninety chapters. A plausible explanation for this has been proposed by Antoine Guillaumont, building upon that suggested by the Kephalaia's twelfth-century commentator, Denys bar Salibi. In this article I approach the question from a different perspective to argue that the 'missing' chapters are not in fact absent at all, but invisibly and silently present. The explanation I propose is compatible with those of bar Salibi and Guillaumont but broader in its scope in that whereas theirs focus on numerological symbolism within the KephalaiaGnostika, mine takes its starting point from Evagrius' spiritual pedagogy as rooted in his understanding of the structure of the spiritual journey, rooted in turn in his understanding of the nature of God and of his image, the nous, and reflected in the literary structure of the trilogy. 1 Matth. 7:6. 2 Praktikos, Prologue 9, translated by Robert E. Sinkewicz, EvagriusofPontus:TheGreek Ascetic Corpus, Oxford Early Christian Studies (Oxford, 2003). Subsequent translations of the Praktikos and ChaptersonPrayer are from this volume, sometimes with slight amendments of my own.

S. MANTELLI, L’enigma dei Serafini. La prima omelia su Isaia di Origene tra esegesi e riflessione trinitaria, in Lettura di Origene. Omelie su Isaia, ed. E. dal Covolo-R. Fusco-A. Villani, Roma 2025, 51-75.

Il volume raccoglie le lezioni della quindicesima e della sedicesima “lettura pubblica” delle Opere di Origene (Roma, Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, 2022-2023). La “lettura pubblica” delle Opere di Origene ha una sua storia, che per sommi capi conviene qui ricordare, perché essa ha contribuito con un certo successo alla promozione degli studi origeniani in Italia (e non solo). Tale “lettura” si è svolta a Roma dal 1996 al 2010. Promossa dalla Facoltà di Lettere Cristiane e Classiche dell’Università Salesiana, sempre in collaborazione con il Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina (GIROTA), essa fu energicamente sostenuta e accompagnata dal compianto prof. Manlio Simonetti e dal cardinale Raffele Farina, producendo dieci volumi, tutti editi dalla Libreria dell’Ateneo Salesiano (LAS). Ha poi subito una battuta d’arresto nel 2010. Riprende ora, con l’undicesimo volume, la pubblicazione della medesima “lettura”, dedicata in questo caso alle nove Omelie su Isaia di Origene (Enrico dal Covolo).

Some non-Christians, such as the Muslim scholar Dr Ali Ataie (Christian Zionism: a Major Oxymoron), are emphasising that the Christian Zionists are going against the New Testament by hoping to hasten the end times and the Final Coming of the Messiah, Jesus Christ, by re-building the (third) Temple in Jerusalem.

The question of the content of the messianic prophecies of the Old Testament has not lost its relevance since the time of Christ Himself. In the dialogues of Jesus and the apostles with the Jews, the problem of the identity of prophetic texts and ongoing events was acute. At the same time, in apostolic, and subsequently in church preaching and polemics with heretics, the messianic prophecies of the Old Testament become the basis for the formation and development of Christian dogmatics. In many cases, the question comes to the fore: did the prophets really mean certain provisions of the faith of the Christian Church. An example of a well-founded church answer to this question is offered by the comments of the blessed. Theodoret of Cyrus.

Conferencia presentada en el Seminario Teológico Presbiteriano de México en el marco del Congreso Teológico "1700 años de Nicea" en Mayo del 2025.

La palabra Logos es muy antigua, incluso es utilizada por Juan en su evangelio al hablar de Jesús. De ahí la importancia de abordar esta temática a la luz de Atanasio de Alejandría, uno de los principales expositores y defensores de la fe nicena. En esta conferencia se pretende exponer el logos desde una perspectiva filosófica pagana, para después abordarlo desde la óptica de Atanasio, quien se deslinda de las ideas filosóficas paganas, y llena de significado bíblico el término Logos. La versión al español utilizada para este trabajo es la traducción de 1992 por el Dr. Luis Antonio Sánchez Navarro, y estará referenciada de la siguiente manera: (Atanasio, 1992, 23). La versión en griego y latín es tomada del volumen 25 de la Patrologia Graeca de Jacques-Paul Migne, y estará referenciada de la siguiente manera: (CG, 14).

Whereas Fr. Kramer tumbled out, like far flung dice, the events that the Evangelist described, spinning them right down through the centuries, even to our own time, St. John - as we read in his introductory quote - was clearly talking about an early fulfilment of the events that Jesus Christ had revealed to him.

This is my English translation of the "Heresy of the Ishmaelites" by John of Damascus, written around 730 AD and number 100 of his work called On Heresies. This is the earliest known treatise on the teachings of Islam, or what was known about Islam in the early 8th century by someone who worked as the chief tax collector in the court of Abd al-Malik.

The study begins with the questions "Where was Paradise?" and "How was the Garden cultivated?", and the relationship between different modes of interpretation. It compares the biblical data (Gen. 2) with patristic testimonies (John Chrysostom, Ambrose, Ephrem, Gregory of Nyssa, John of Damascus) and symbolic readings (Philo, Cyprian, Hippolytus), in order to assess whether the plurality of meanings generates confusion or coherence. Situated within the divergent approaches of these patristic authors-especially concerning literal and figurative aspects-I aim to outline an integral theological reading of the Eden tradition and of the aforementioned questions. The methods used in this research are comparative biblical and patristic exegesis, structured through a four-step framework: (1) retaining the literal sense when the text provides anchors (rivers, orientation); (2) shifting from description to vocation in the moral-liturgical sense ("to work"/"to keep"); (3) accepting the ineffable (2 Cor. 12) as a boundary; (4) articulating an ontology of paradisiacal matter. The findings of this study are as follows: Eden is an earthly reality, but one with transfigured materiality; "work" is an inner activity (obedience, contemplation) without toil; and the diversity of interpretations proves to be complementary: the literal anchors the "where/what", while the spiritual illuminates the "why/how", together avoiding both inert geography and ungrounded symbolism.

Studies on Evagrius’ doctrine of prayer tend to emphasize its practical and philosophical aspects without considering enough the contribution, at first sight modest, of the Bible to the formulation of his ideas. On the contrary, a closer examination of the scriptural quotations in the Chapters on Prayer sheds light on the way in which they structure the thought of Evagrius. It is thanks to them that the Pontic sketches the conception of «spiritual prayer» in all its dynamics until its «mystical» outcome. Without the essential support of these references, the vision of the Pontic would lose its specific profile.

This article analyses the correspondence between Augustine of Hippo and Nectarius of Calama (Letters 90–91 and 103–104, dated 408–409 CE) from philosophical and political perspectives. Nectarius, a prominent pagan from Calama, asks Augustine for his help following violent anti-pagan riots in his city. Augustine seizes this opportunity to engage in dialogue about 'amor patriae' and its relationship to 'patria caelestis'. He argues that, in order to prosper his earthly homeland, Nectarius must become a citizen of the heavenly homeland by embracing the Christian faith. He draws on Roman philosophical references, notably Cicero, to demonstrate that this concept is partly aligned with Nectarius's cultural tradition. In response, Nectarius invokes Scipio's Dream to support the notion that virtuous service to the earthly homeland leads to the heavenly homeland after death. Augustine then refutes several of Nectarius's arguments: poverty is not an eternal evil; death is only the end of evil for the righteous; and not all sins are equal in severity, contrary to the Stoic thesis. He emphasises the importance of Christian mercy in conjunction with the correction of sinners for their own benefit. Ultimately, this correspondence illustrates how Augustine skilfully combines Roman philosophy and Christian thought to redefine 'amor patriae'.

The paper investigates the style of Origen’s newly discovered Homilies on the Psalms, focusing on the technique of prosopopoeia, a rhetorical tool widespread in Origen’s previously known corpus. Origen’s Homily on Psalm 74 contains many examples of prosopopoeia, where the Savior speaks in the first person, thus serving as a good case study. The analysis focuses on the literary construction of the fictional discourses and the purposes they serve within the homily. The evaluation of prosopopoeia provides an opportunity, in the conclusion, to propose some more general observations on Origen as a writer and preacher.

Article publié sur la Revue thomiste en ligne : https://revuethomiste.fr/contenu-editorial/chroniques/verba-dei-manent/saint-thomas-commente-la-passion-du-christ?highlight=WyJlbW1hbnVlbCIsInBlcnJpZXIiXQ==

Lors de la mort du Christ, le rideau du Sanctuaire se déchira en deux, depuis le haut jusqu’en bas (Mt 27, 51). Il faut y voir, explique saint Thomas, le symbole d’une révélation. Dans la Passion du Christ sont apparus les mystères qui se rapportent à l’Église et qui étaient jusque là cachés. Suivre le Christ en sa Passion, c’est entrer dans cette révélation. Voilà à quoi nous invite saint Thomas.

Sumario: El tratado exegético ort. et obit. de Isidoro incluye la presentación detallada de tres mujeres que representan, cada una según su historia, las virtudes femeninas más destacadas en la Escritura. Isidoro presenta sus perfiles basándose en el texto bíblico y en la tradición teológica que ya en su época se había ido configurando y asentando. Una atención especial merece el capítulo dedicado a María que no solamente sintetiza la reflexión mariológica anterior, sino que constituye una de las bases para su desarrollo posterior. Palabras clave: exégesis patrística,

In questo contributo espongo alcuni esempi, provenienti soprattutto da testi teologici del XII secolo, di associazione tra la silva e la vita silvestre da una parte, e la materia primordiale e la solitudine dall’altra. Le riflessioni intorno alla materia primordiale a cui mi riferirò sono eminentemente di origine scolastica, mentre quelle intorno alla solitudine sono piuttosto, non casualmente, di origine monastica: e tuttavia il meccanismo argomentativo e associativo nei due casi è simile ed è basato, come ho anticipato, sulla negazione o la rimozione. Similmente alla foresta o silva, caratterizzata in negativo come oscura, indeterminata e priva di forma – cosa che permette di considerarla figura della materia primordiale, informe e come tale luogo e matrice di tutte le forme –, così l’asino silvestre o onagro nella tradizione esegetica e monastica dell’alto medioevo è descritto essenzialmente ‘in negativo’ o per sottrazione: un animale frugalissimo, privo quasi del tutto di relazioni sociali e financo, il più delle volte, di vita sessuale, cosa che lo rende atto ad essere segno della vita monastica e in solitudine, condizione preliminare per l’incontro più genuino con sé e con Dio. Testi che fanno uso di questo genere di figure si trovano sin dalla tarda antichità e per tutto l’alto medioevo, ma, così come è in particolare nei più sofisticati filosofi del XII secolo (Guglielmo di Conches e Gilberto di Poitiers) che il tema della ‘materia-silva’ viene in luce, è sotto la penna di un altro grande pensatore del XII secolo, Pietro Abelardo, che quello del ‘monaco-onager’ sembra trovare i suoi sviluppi teoricamente più ricchi e articolati.

The formation of knowledge is foundational to epistemology. In the case of theological knowledge, identifying the epistemic assumptions embedded in Scripture is essential for articulating a canonical epistemology. This article focuses on Genesis 3—a pivotal passage for any theological-epistemological analysis—as it reveals key metaphysical and epistemological dynamics related to the formation of theological knowledge. From this passage emerge several foundational elements that outline a biblical theory of knowledge. First, a biblically based epistemology requires a theo-ontological order in which divine revelation precedes and grounds human understanding. Second, in a postlapsarian world, human reason must be guided by biblical principles as external criteria, not the other way around. Third, theistic belief arises naturally within doxastic experience and is self-warranting. Fourth, theological knowledge depends on human participation in the divinely created reality. Fifth, theological knowledge is more than justified belief; it results from a personal encounter with God. Thus, knowledge is inherently relational and participative.

V patristickém bádání se již desítky let vede odborná diskuse nad otázkou, zda Órigenés použil řecké slovo ὁμοούσιος v trojičním kontextu. V této diskusi zaznělo množství argumentů v neprospěch autenticity textů připisovaných Órigenovi, které jsou zmiňovány jako důkaz o tom, že výraz ὁμοούσιος patřil do Órigenovy trojiční terminologie. Cílem disertační práce je nejenom kriticky vyhodnotit závažnost zmíněných argumentů, ale dosavadní argumentaci případně ještě rozšířit či doplnit. Dále je cílem práce přinést vlastní odpověď na otázku, jestli Órigenés užíval výraz ὁμοούσιος v souvislosti s jednotou Trojice.

What was the role of animals, material "things, " and other nonhuman entities in the formation of early Christian views of Jesus? What can these portrayals teach us about early Christianity's more general relation to nature and nonhuman others? The ensuing essay explores these two questions through an analysis of how zoological metaphors informed portrayals of Christ and the construction of Christian ethics in the Epistle of Barnabas, an early Christian text written in the late-first to early-second century CE. While Barnabas is often classified among the early Christian "Apostolic Fathers, " it was composed contemporaneously with writings that would eventually become the New Testament, and was even included in some early New Testament collections (e.g., Codex Sinaiticus) (Lookadoo 2022, 4-16; Loman 2005). This makes it a valuable work for elucidating the broader cultural contexts that may have shaped views of animals among the writers and readers of (other) New Testament texts. My approach comprises an ideological-critical analysis, which seeks to examine how the meaning and function of ideas, as contextualized within their socio-historical contexts, inter-inform, support, and/or subvert particular relations of power. 1 In Barnabas, I argue that animal metaphors, simultaneously representative of Christ's messianic identity as well as the world's fallen deviancy, functioned to undergird Christian superiority and forward anti-Jewish ideologies. In such a way, the Epistle provides an important opportunity to reflect on the role of animals both in ancient identity formation and in contemporary conversations surrounding animal and environmental ethics.

In this article, I explore the claim found in the writings of some second-and third-century intellectuals that demons 'put on the masks' of the gods and trick the broader public regarding the reality of the divine. The gods are not actually who everyone thinks they are, these writers agree, but evil demons who pretend to be the traditional gods through deceptive dramatic acting. This claim is found in authors from a variety of religious traditions, including Christian writers such as Tatian and Clement as well as Neoplatonic traditionalists such as Porphyry of Tyre. I argue that such claims build upon broader Greco-Roman discourses surrounding the theater in order to construct a strikingly similar theological project-an elitist distinction of 'proper' religion from that of the masses, negotiated vis-à-vis demonology and elitist disdain for common theatrical shows. By claiming that it is demons play-acting as gods behind traditional Greco-Roman religion, these authors jointly implicate the traditional gods of Greco-Roman culture in a deceptive, non-elite, excessively-desirous, and illicitly-gendered cultural system. The Greco-Roman deities were no longer the dynamic forces that provided the firm foundation for Roman authority, these authors argued, but disruptive and seditious entities that threatened the social order. These overlapping discourses of 'dramatic demons' expose how Greco-Roman traditionalist and Christian thinkers often drew upon shared cultural traditions. Despite their divergent cultic affiliations, all of these authors display deep familiarity with treasured cultural touchstones of the Greco-Roman world while nonetheless critiquing and even mocking other aspects of Greco-Roman culture in similar ways. By giving due to attention to these writers' intellectual overlaps, such as those regarding demonic theatricality, we may be better able to appreciate how they drew from and critiqued Greco-Roman cultural discourses in ways both conflicting and comparable.

The paper (co-written with Gaelle Bossemann) discusses the exegetical compendium probably compiled by Theodulf of Orléans in the early ninth century (Paris BnF  lat.15679), combining the examination of the paleographical and codicological features of the manuscript with an analysis of the texts in order to better understand the methods of compilation and appropriation. To do so, it focuses on the commentaries on Isaiah and Revelations (Gaelle) as well as on Luke (myself).

The transfiguration was the unveiling or revealing of who Jesus really is, i.e. that glorious and eternal Son of Man, who is given power, dominion, authority and everlasting kingship in Daniel. That same pre-existent Son of Man who Enoch saw before him, "who is the light of the gentiles and the hope of all who are sick in their hearts" (1 Enoch 48:4). "The Righteous One, the Elect One, the Messiah" who is the eschatological judge who will execute vengeance upon the sons of God who rebelled and all those kings, rulers, governors, and landlords, who deny the Lord of Spirits, His Messiah and oppress his elect ones. Jesus has been referring to Himself as this Son of Man the whole time and now He is being revealed in glory (a thematic element in Luke's gospel) to His three closest disciples to confirm His true identity and to prepare them it seems for His upcoming death, resurrection, and ascension. Furthermore, the fact that this event or rather this revealing of the Son of Man took place on Mt. Hermon is of immense significance. This is the very place which the Watchers descended to and swore an oath at the command of Semyaza, their leader to take for themselves human wives (Gen. 6: 1-4,1 Enoch 6:1-8), genetically modifying the human race in an effort to keep the seed of the woman from crushing the head of the serpent. (for more see the excursus below on Mt. Hermon). Jesus was revealing who He really is, not only to his closest disciples but to the Watchers, the rebellious sons of God who descended on Mt. Hermon before the flood, and to the sons of God to whom He had given charge over the nations after Babel, who also corrupted themselves and the nations they ruled. The Son of Man appearing in glory on top of Mt. Hermon is indeed the seed of the woman stepping on the head of the serpent.