Islamic Political Thought

Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis argumen teologis para fuqahā` Ḥanafīyah, Shāfi`īyah, Mālikīyah, and Ḥanbalīyah untuk menopang kewajiban jihād sebagai perang permanen melawan komunitas-komunitas non-Muslim, dari perspektif analisis komparatif, epistemologis, dan konteks historis. Artikel ini bersumber dari literatur klasik hukum Islam dan akan dianalisis dengan teori sosiologi pengetahuan Karl Mannheim untuk mengidentifikasi konteks sosial berkaitan dengan hubungan antara konteks dan kepentingan di balik pemikiran, hubungan antara pemikiran dan struktur sosial, dan lokasi sosial serta pengalaman historis. Artikel ini berkesimpulan bahwa argumen-argumen teologis tersebut memiliki persamaan dalam tujuan akhir untuk membangun masyarakat ideal untuk menerapkan hukum Islam secara benar dan dalam hal konsepsi eksklusif tentang kekafiran (kufr) dan shirk, dan memiliki perbedaan tentang jihād sebagai rukun Islam dan sebagai sarana mencari rejeki. Secara epistemologis, argumen-argumen tersebut didasarkan atas al-Qur`an, namun kemudian ditafsirkan dari sudut pandang teologis eksklusif untuk membangun masyatakat Islam yang ideal, penerapan ide tentang univeralisme Islam, dan secara historis, dipengaruhi oleh kesadaran tentang perang-perang Nabi dalam sejarah. Perspektif eksklusif fiqh klasik tentang perang ini perlu direkonstruksi secara sistematis dengan melucuti beban-beban historis ideologi dan konteks spesifiknya dan disesuaikan dengan semangat kemanusiaan.

This article explores the underlying ideas conveyed by the literary representations associated with Luqmān b. ʿĀd and Luqmān the Sage in classical Arabic sources. It avoids conflating them or collapsing all portrayals of Luqmān b. ʿĀd into a single composite figure. At the same time, it resists imposing a rigid dichotomy between these representations, instead examining possible mutual influences and conceptual continuities. To assess the range of divergent Luqmān images in light of the Qurʾānic tradition, the article treats them as manifestations of diverse local and regional narrative currents, woven together within a broader pan-Arabic reservoir of motifs.

This article revisits the attribution of the Kitāb al-Maqālāt, a previously unknown heresiological text, to the renowned Muʿtazilī theologian Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī. Discovered in a Yemeni manuscript compilation and first studied by Hassan Ansari in 2016, the work's authenticity and authorship have been subjects of scholarly debate, particularly after the publication of the first scholarly edition in 2019. By examining its polemical treatment of the ʿUthmāniyya and its defense of the regicide of ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, this study analyzes the doctrinal and rhetorical strategies employed in the Maqālāt and compares them to both early Muʿtazilī discourse and mature Sunni orthodoxy. Through textual analysis and historical contextualization, the article argues that the work's treatment of the ʿUthmāniyya and the murder of ʿUthmān casts significant doubt on its attribution to Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī.

Bu makale Âşir Efendi Koleksiyonu örneğinde yazma eserlerde zahriye sayfalarının işlevini, tipolojisini ve kullanım teamüllerini ele almaktadır. Zahriye sayfası, yalnızca yazmanın fiziksel özelliklerini değil, aynı zamanda maliklerin nüshayla kurduğu entelektüel, duygusal ve sosyal ilişkileri de yansıtan çok katmanlı bir yüzey olarak değerlendirilmeye uygundur. Âşir Efendi Koleksiyonu’nda yer alan yazmalardan hareketle yapılan analiz, bu sayfalarda yer alan kayıtların büyük çoğunluğunun mülkiyetle doğrudan ya da dolaylı şekilde ilişkili olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Temellük, iştira, istiktab ve mütalaa gibi kayıtlar, kitapların edinim biçimlerinin yanı sıra, sahiplerinin kitapla kurduğu kişisel ve ilmî bağları da gözler önüne serer. Ayrıca zahriye sayfalarında kayıtların belirli bölgelere tekrarlı biçimde yerleştirilmiş olması, kayıt düşme pratiklerinin tamamen rastlantısal olmadığını, belli yerleşik tercihler veya yazılı olmayan teamüllerle şekillenmiş olabileceğini düşündürmektedir. Dua kalıpları, bibliyografik açıklamalar ve şahsi notlar, yazmanın bir bilgi nesnesinden öte bir hafıza taşıyıcısı olduğunu göstermekte ve zahriye sayfalarını tarihsel bir kültürel belleğe dönüştürmektedir.

Ce livre traite du contre-espace public rifain né du Hirak du Rif qui s'est déclenché en octobre 2016 après le broyage de Mouhcine Fikri. Les Rifains, Amazighs du nord du Maroc, sont parvenus à formuler et à formaliser de manière originale leurs revendications, en mobilisant leur région et en suscitant des solidarités dans le pays. Le Hirak constitue un tournant dans l'histoire politique marocaine par son innovation, son autonomie vis-à-vis de l'État et des médiations traditionnelles. Sa non-violence et sa parole publique et critique, ont libéré les subjectivités longtemps écrasées, pour demander une véritable reconnaissance. Le contre-espace public rifain met en avant les expériences morales négatives occultées par les institutions et les discours o ciels, rompant avec la tradition politique établie. Il incarne une réinvention du politique portée par les oubliés et les démunis du présent pour lutter contre la hogra, le mépris, et l'oblitération. En n, le livre met en lumière les stratégies de l'État et des partis pour étouffer ce contre-espace public : mise à l'écart, répression violente, criminalisation, emprisonnement, torture, propagande et diabolisation.                                                                  https://www.editions-harmattan.fr/catalogue/livre/le-hirak-du-rif/80150

Ömer Rıza Doğrul’un Kanlı Gömlek adlı eseri, İslâm tarihini konu alan tarihî bir romandır. İlk olarak Kızıl Gömlek başlığıyla Vakit gazetesinde 8 Eylül 1930- 18 Şubat 1931 tarihleri arasında tefrika edilen roman, 1944 yılında Kanlı Gömlek adıyla kitaplaştırılmıştır. Hz. Osman’ın şehit edilişi ve sonrasında yaşananlar üzerine bina edilen romanda; Cemel Vak’ası, Sıffîn Savaşı, Hakem olayları, Hâricîlerin ortaya çıkışı, Hz. Ali’nin şehadeti anlatılır. Kanlı Gömlek üç katman olarak ilerleyen bir romandır. Bu katmanlardan ilki tarihî hadiselere dayanır. Yazar bu katmanda tarihî kaynaklara atıflar yaparak düşüncelerini kanıtlama yolunu seçer. İkinci katman kurgu mu gerçek mi olduğu tartışmalı bir kişi olan Abdullah b. Sebe hakkındadır. Bu kısımda Ömer Rıza, İslam tarihinde Müslümanların karşı karşıya geldiği bütün hadiseleri, dindaşlarının ikbalini düşünen Yemenli bir Yahudi olan Sebe oğlunun planlarına bağlar. Romanın üçüncü katmanı kurmaca kısımdır. Burada Leyla karakteri ile Hz. Ebu Bekir’in oğlu Mehmed arasındaki kurgusal aşk anlatılır. Leyla hem yaşanan tarihî hadiselere şahitliği hem de kurgusal kimliğiyle romanda boy gösterir. Kanlı Gömlek’in bu katmanı Corcî Zeydân’ın Kureyş Bakiresi romanıyla benzer şekilde ilerler. Bu romanlar, olay akışı, aşk hikâyesi, karakterlerin özellikleri, bazı kaynaklara yapılan atıflar, tarihî hadiselere tanıklıklar bakımından benzeşir. Yazarlarının şahsî görüşleri ve aidiyetleri bakımından ayrışır. Söz konusu ayrışma Ömer Rıza’nın sahabeyi koruma gayretinden ve Hıristiyanlık karşısında İslamiyet’in üstünlüğünü vurgulamasından kaynaklanır. Kanlı Gömlek romanının sahabeyi korumak gayesiyle yazıldığı anlaşılmaktadır. Ömer Rıza’nın tarihî kaynaklara müracaatı, Sebe oğluna verdiği pâye, kurmaca bir kişi olan Leyla’nın rolü bu gayenin tezahürleridir. Bu makalede, Cumhuriyet dönemi tarihî romanlarından biri incelenerek İslam tarihini konu edinen tarihî romanlara dikkat çekmek ve Türk edebiyatında Arap edebiyatı tesiri hakkında yeni çalışmalara kapı aralamak hedeflenmiştir.

WiIrtlclir M. l()9lJ Causa Podivín, "Öasopis Matice moravské'' I11:279-290. Z,ltcltrlvlí .l., Tíe tík D. ](X)l Adhortace D9. Trylgryr:ione ad presbiteros a biskup Vojtéch,.'Öes asopis historicky" 99 : 27 9 -292. Zt,tltlii,ka.l. 1992 Mitra éeslqch kníiat, "Sborník Spole nosti píátel staroZitností' 3: 17-27. The Neighbours oJ'Polanrl in the ] lth Century, ecl. P. Urbariczyk Warsaw 2()02. l31 l5,1 THE INVENTED 11'|-H CENTURY oF HUNGAR.Y * László Veszprómy 2t)00lZ001: THE, MILLENNIUM OF HUNGARIAN STATEHOOl) The official state celebrations of the Millennium reached thcir rtpcr rlrr 20 August 2001. That was when the monumental copy of the Holy Crtlwrr wlrs completed on top of Chain Bridge, the first bridge to connect Buda ancl I)csl ilr the micldle of the 19'h century. On the festive day, the real historical royal cf()\vlI passed under it on a ship to Esztergom where the country's archbishop dccliclrlt,tl it to the Holy Virgin, just as the first king of Hungary is traditionally rcmcnlllcrt,tl as having done. The historical tableau is complete and exact similarly lrr lrrr 18'h-19'h century romantic painting. When there was still firm belief in lravirlg cxlrt,l '"

This book is dedicated to: * The glory of Allah Who Has made this research work a success and a reality, * Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW) who has been a source of mercy and guidance to the erring human race, * My aged mother Hajiya Zainab who has always been a source of Succour, Solace, and inspiration to me ever since she gave birth to me. May Allah in His infinite mercy continue to strengthen her in

Since the advent of Prophet Muhammad(SAW) till the nineteenth century CE, there has been a consensus among all the Muslims of all schools of thoughts that the Prophet(SAW) was the last of the Prophets(AS) and no new prophet will appear till the end of this world. Then came Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadyan (1835-1908 CE) and claimed that, though the Prophet(SAW) was the seal of the prophets (Khaatam-an-Nabiyeen), another prophet (nabi) can come after him as a reformer. Couched in his utmost praise of the Prophet(SAW) , he inserted his claim of future revelation. Though Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadyan made many other claims, the objective of this paper was to analyze Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadyan's interpretation of the Quranic term 'khaatam' from the Quranic perspective.

An analysis of the Quranic usage of the term 'khaatam' suggests that Allah(ST) has only used it for 'blocked' in the Quran. This is contrary to Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadyan's claim that the term 'khaatam' also stands for 'the best'. Allah(ST) , instead of grading the Prophets(AS) in terms of good, better, and best, has mentioned the fadheelat of many Prophets in the Quran without compromising the stature of other Prophets(AS). Instead of us grading the Prophets in terms of who was good, better, or the best, which is disrespectful to the Prophets(AS) , we should focus on the fadheelat of the Prophets(AS) , as has been done by Allah(ST).

The followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadyan are humbly requested to abandon the misinterpretation of 'Khaatam-an-Nabiyyin' coined by him and return to the meaning (blocked) ascribed to it by Allah(ST) in the Quran. Hazoor Mirza Masroor Ahmad is also humbly requested to follow into the footsteps of Honorable Warith Deen Mohammed who rejected the fallacious version of Islam promoted by his father, Elijah Muhammad, the leader of the Nation of Islam. Honorable Warith Deen Mohammed disbanded the original Nation of Islam (NOI) and transformed it into an ostensibly orthodox and mainstream Islamic movement. He rejected the previous deification of Wallace Fard Muhammad, and forged closer ties with mainstream Muslim communities.

The book is a synthesis of the unique place the Jewish State of Israel occupies on the world stage in its past and present developments in the existence of the state, spanning from its historical background to statehood, conflicts, wars, peace process and Jewish industry. Formed in 1948, as a Jewish State, in the historic region of Canaan, Israel is located on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, in southwestern Asia. Israel’s isolated position as a Jewish state, surrounded by Arab and predominantly Islamic countries, has fundamentally influenced nearly every aspect of its foreign relations, demography and economic policy throughout its history. The book highlights the providential existence of Israel as a modern and prosperous nation in the middle of the desert and deadly enemies. The secret of its existence and survival lies in the Unseen Hand that Holds the World.

This article highlights the crucial need for individual moral reform within the Muslim community, arguing that genuine faith lies in ethical conduct, not just ritual observance. Drawing on the Holy Quran and the teachings of Prophet Muhammad (s), it stresses that God does not change the condition of a people until they change their own condition (Quran 13:11). The article calls for embracing the true Jihad-the struggle for self-perfection-and abandoning hypocrisy, superficiality, and judgment of others. It highlights Islam's historical role as a progressive force for ethical and social reform, particularly regarding equality and divorce. It concludes that the contemporary crisis of disunity can only be overcome through non-judgmental tolerance and active, unified brotherhood, echoing the Prophet's analogy of the believers as one body.

In Eurasia the great historic fault lines between civilizations are once more aflame. This is particularly true along the boundaries of the crescent-shaped Islamic bloc of nations from the bulge of Africa to central Asia. Violence also occurs between Muslims, on the one hand, and Orthodox Serbs in the Balkans, Jews in Israel, Hindus in India, Buddhists in Burma and Catholics in the Philippines. Islam has bloody borders.-Samuel Huntington, 1993 "Individual Moslems may show splendid qualities-but the influence of the religion paralyses the social development of those who follow it. No stronger retrograde force exists in the world."-Winston S. Churchill, The River War.

Üniversite ve liselilerin protestoları objektiflerin yeniden gençlere çevrilmesine neden oldu. KONDA’nın geçen hafta yayımladığı rapor bu bağlamda çok ilgi gördü. Bu rapora göre, kendini muhafazakâr olarak tanımlayan gençlerin oranı 10 yıl içerinde yüzde 25’den yüzde 10 düşerken, “modernim” diyenlerin oranı yüzde 59’a ulaşmış durumda. Aynı raporda her 10 gençten 8’inin kendisini özgür hissetmediği ifade ediliyor.

This research was based on the results of qualitative descriptive research on 100 students and Focus Group Discussion (FGD) as well as in-depth interviews with 9 Muslim student organizations which in this study are divided into two groups, namely the first is group of Muslim student organizations (old) and the second is Muslim student organization (new). The results of this study showed that: firstly, there had been a shift in cultural and moderate religious understandings represented by Islamic (old) student organization groups such as HMI, PMII, IMDI and IMM, shifting to the movements and understandings of Islamic neo-Puritanism and Islamic politics (khilafah) represented by Islamic student organizations (new) such as the Wahdah Islamiyah Students (MWI), Salafi students, and ex HTI through Gema Pembebasan (Echo of Liberation), LDK KLMD, and FOSIL; secondly, the religious attitudes of Muslim students in Kendari. The case studies at UHO can be characterized, namely apathy, moderate ...

The last years of the 1970s and early 1980s witnessed an unprecedented growth of radical Islamic movements throughout the greater Middle East and North Africa from Pakistan to the Sudan. The climax of this process, and its most consequential trajectory, was no doubt the 1978-1979 Iranian Revolution and the emergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It was a revolution in the classic sense with instantaneous and vast popular support and with an Islamic ideological core that throughout the 1980s gradually evolved into a theocratic doctrine. The Islamic Revolution was by no means the only Islamist upheaval of the period that changed the sociopolitical climate of the region. Other movements of dissent in the Sunni world shared with Shi 0 i Iran the desire to transform their societies, cultures, and political orders with the presumed desire of returning to the paradigm of "pristine" Islam. They widely differed from the Iranian case in their doctrinal objectives, organizational format, radical intensity, and mass appeal. In the half century prior to the Iranian revolution of 1979, Islamist movements ranging from the Society of Muslim Brothers in Egypt to the Jama 0 at-i Islami in Pakistan came to contribute, at times even more then the Islamic Revolution in Iran, to the rise of a defiant Islamic awareness. At this juncture, it may be argued, the societies of the Muslim world offered a perfect example of "connected histories," made possible through the press and other forms of mass media. 1 Between 1978 and 1983 there emerged at least seven protorevolutionary trends throughout the region promoting a shari'a-based Islamic order in one form or another. The anti-Ba'athist uprising in Syria, the siege of the Holy Mosque in Mecca, the storming of the US Embassy in Islamabad, the Shi 0 i unrest in southern Iraq, and pro-1 David Motadel, "Islamic Revolutionaries and the End of Empire," in Martin Thomas and Andrew S. Thompson (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the End of Empires (Oxford, 2018), 555-79, discusses this longer trajectory of Islamic revolutionary movements. For "connected histories," albeit in early modern times, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Explorations in Connected History: Mughals and Franks (Oxford, 2012).

Penerbitan buku ini merupakan langkah strategis dalam
upaya penguatan publikasi di lingkungan Universitas Islam
As'adiyah Sengkang. Ini bukan sekadar kumpulan tulisan,
melainkan manifestasi dari visi kita untuk menjadi pusat
keunggulan akademik yang berkontribusi pada kemajuan ilmu
pengetahuan dan pembangunan masyarakat.

The renewed interest in anticolonial thought in the last decade has tended to overlook or underplay critiques of nationalism that formed an important strand within it. Indeed, the conflation of anticolonialism with nationalism remains dominant in studies of anticolonial thought as well as in social
science research more generally. In parallel, debates about cosmopolitanism, particularly in the context of global justice, take the nation-state to be the most viable political unit and revolve around an assessment of its suitability compared to global institutions. Building on the argument that corporate globalization provided the conditions of possibility for dominant visions of cosmopolitanism in the twentieth century, the author proposes paying closer attention to the specificity and changes in corporate (de)globalization today in imagining new cosmopolitan horizons that go beyond the dichotomy of nation-state and global institutions. Attention to criticisms of nationalism in anticolonial thought can then suggest some productive avenues for cosmopolitan imaginaries in a deglobalizing world.

Bu makale İhvân-ı Safâ’nın (IV/X.) insan tasavvuru ekseninde, insanın büyük âlemle olan benzerliğine odaklanarak onun küçük âlem olarak konumlandırılmasını felsefî açıdan analiz etmekte ve bu düşüncenin tasavvufî uzantılarını incelemektedir. İhvân, insanları iyiliğe davet etme amacıyla ortaya çıkan bir hareket olarak insana büyük önem vermekte ve risalelerinin neredeyse tamamında insana dair bazı açıklamalarda bulunmaktadır. Onlara göre insan, âlemle neredeyse özdeş bir misaldir. Bu çerçevede insan hem bedeniyle maddi hem de ruhuyla manevi anlamda âlemle benzer özelliklere sahiptir. İnsanda maddi ve manevi yönlerin bir arada bulunması da onun alemle olan benzerliğini ortaya koyan önemli bir unsurdur. Bu minvalde iki bölüm olarak kurgulanan makalenin ilk bölümünde insanın maddesel boyutu olan bedeninin oluşumu ve temel yapı taşları incelenmektedir. Sıklıkla ev ve şehir metaforları kullanan İhvân’a göre beden, insanın taşıdığı ruh için bir mesken olarak yaratılmıştır. Bu beden, tıpkı bir şehrin oluşumunda kullanılan taşlar ve demir gibi, birçok farklı unsurdan meydana gelmiştir. İnsanın yaratılış evreleri ve bu unsurların bedeni nasıl oluşturduğuna dair pek çok açıklama içeren Resâil’de insanın temel olarak dört farklı tabiat (sıcaklık, soğukluk, yaşlık ve kuruluk) üzerine yaratıldığı vurgulanmaktadır. Makalenin ikinci bölümünde nefsin iç ve dış güçleri, bu güçlerin bedenle ilişkisi başta olmak üzere İhvân’a göre insanın maddeyi aşan boyutu olan nefsin epistemolojik yapısı Gazzâlî ve İbn Sînâ gibi İslam filozoflarının görüşleriyle mukayeseli olarak analiz edilmektedir. Bu bölümün devamında İhvân’ın bilgi anlayışı doğrultusunda insanın kendini tanıması yoluyla evrensel bilgiye ulaşabileceği iddiası değerlendirilmektedir. Bu iddiada anahtar cümle olan “men ‘arefe nefsehu ‘arefe’l-‘ulûme küllehâ” ifadesi söz konusu bilgi anlayışının temelinde yer alan bir tespit olarak sunulmaktadır. Ayrıca bu düşüncenin sonraki gelenek üzerinde derin bir etki bıraktığı iddiası tasavvuf eserlerinden yapılan alıntılarla desteklenmektedir. Makalede ayrıca İhvân’ın kullandığı temsilî anlatım tarzının öğretici bir yöntem olmasının yanı sıra metafizik anlam dünyasının inşasında da kullanıldığına dikkat çekilmektedir. Nitekim insan bedeni ile evren arasında kurulan temsilî ilişkiler İbn Arabî tarafından sistemleştirilen “kevn-i câmi‘” ve “halife” kavramlarının temel öncüllerine işaret etmektedir. Buradan hareketle insanın bireysel bir varlık değil aynı zamanda Levh-i Mahfuzun muhtasarı olarak evrensel bilgiye ulaşma potansiyeline sahip bir özne olduğu vurgulanmaktadır. Sonuç olarak bu makale İhvân’ın insan-nefs-âlem ilişkisi hakkındaki düşüncelerini sistematik bir şekilde ele almayı ve bu düşünceyi merkeze alarak İslam düşünce geleneğinde insanın bilgiye ulaşma noktasında sahip olduğu önemi felsefî olarak temellendirmekte ve tasavvuftaki açılımlarına muhtasar bir şekilde işaret etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.

In nineteenth-century Bengal, the language standardization of Bangla to create Sadhubhasha (chaste Bengali) was central to the emergence of a print-based imagined community. Constructed through a deliberate process of infusing Sanskrit vocabulary and excluding Persian-Arabic elements and regional dialects, Sadhubhasha became the privileged means of literary production and print culture among the local elites or Bhadralok. But the construction of print culture in standardized Bangla perpetuated exclusionary dynamics against marginalized groups, including Bengali-speaking Muslims (also lower caste and other underprivileged people). This paper investigates how, in reaction to the exclusionary currents of standardization, Bengali Muslims developed an alternative vernacular literary community (Sahitya Samaj) in Bangla and (re)appropriated Bangla in their own way. They tried to ensure individuality (Swatontrota) in their linguistic choice by (re)appropriating/modifying Bangla in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While discussing certain structural elements of Bangla used by them, this paper argues that the process of modification/(re)appropriation of Bangla by the Bengali Muslims can be read as dismantling the monolithic idea of the standard Bangla. It also shows that the modification of Bangla by Bengali Muslims was the expression of the community's ethno-cultural identity, while the linguistic changes themselves served to cement community solidarity.

Muslim intellectuals of the school Ash‘arī kalām (rational theology) did not make engagement with the Christian gospels an immediate theological priority; there are good historical reasons for this. The main, and somewhat restricted, context in which  classical theologians such as Abū Bakr Muḥammad ibn al-Ṭayyib al-Bāqillānī (d. 403/1013) and Abū l-Maʿālī al-Juwaynī (d. 478/1085) treated the Christian gospels was in their refutation of Jesus’ divinity. In this chapter, relevant materials from sources of Ash‘arī theology are analysed with respect to the nature of their engagement with the gospels. This leads to a theological reflection taking impetus from the way in which these Ash‘arīs denied that Jesus’ miracles were signs (āyāt) of his divinity. This Ash‘arī criticism is taken seriously, and leads to the conclusion that Jesus’ miracles were both far more than, and not strictly sufficient as, indubitable demonstration of his divine nature.

ow might the ideas and practices of Global South migrants and activists inform normative frameworks and conceptual repertoires that political theorists and activists bring to bear on questions regarding justice and migration? Taking seriously the call for conceptual innovation to move beyond Eurocentrism this article builds on oral histories collected from refugees and migrants from the Tribal Areas of Pakistan to argue that the concept of haqq raises important questions about the reliance on statist justice in contemporary theorizing about migration ethics and provides insights into alternative ethical concerns. Ideas and practices of haqq foreground social relationships as well as the imbrication of responsibility and entitlement for communities and individuals. Crucially, engagement with haqq helps dislodge assumptions regarding state-enforced rights as universal vehicles of justice. Consequently, different ethical questions and imaginaries become available for consideration that resonate much beyond debates about migration.

The major purpose of this study was to determine the strategies for improving Library and Information studies in Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. Four research questions were answered and four null hypotheses were tested at 0.05 level of significance. The population for the study consisted of 282 made up of Library and Information Science Students. The researchers use all the sample population because of the manageable size. Descriptive survey design was used to generate data for the study. Structured questionnaire was used to elicit information for the study. The questionnaire was pilot tested with a sample of 30 students from Nasarawa State Polytechnic Nasarawa State. Cronbach Alpha reliability test was used to determine the internal consistency of the instrument and this yielded a reliability coefficient of 0.77. The data were analyzed using mean statistic for the research questions and ANOVA was used to test the null hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance. Based on the findings...

As Kemal Beydilli has shown, the Cedīd Aṭlas Tercümesi that was the crystallizing point of the meeting at McMaster was very much a state project: The publication of the maps with an introductory treatise was ordered by the sultan; salaries for translators, engravers, printers and all kinds of other outlays were paid out of state coffers; printing took place in the imperial printing house; and, apparently, finished copies were handed to agents of the state. 1 I wish to take this instance of state patronage to raise some specific and some general questions about state, maps, and patronage. Historians of mapping, including those studying Ottoman maps, have long criticized narratives of progress toward ever greater accuracy in a spirit of scientific objectivity and veristic representation. Instead, they have embraced, openly or implicitly, a more Foucauldian approach to maps as complex tools of power, control, and propaganda. 2 A 1787 watercolor showing the office of the reʾīsü l-küttāb decorated with a wall map of the Black Sea region provides an iconic instance of this use but also, notably, the first. 3 Cartographic representations of the Ottoman Empire in its respective territorial extent abounded in Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 4 while Ottoman maps that did the same, as a record of the imperial domains, were exceedingly rare, at least before the nineteenth century. 5 At first glance, the Cedīd Aṭlas Tercümesi seems to follow a centuries-old pattern of state patronage for maps and especially atlases, prefigured by Pīrī Reʾīs, Kātib Çelebi, Ebū Bekr el-Dimeşḳī, and İbrāhīm Müteferriḳa. Yet the differences are

در عصر حاضر، مفهوم تمدن نوین اسلامی به عنوان افقی راهبردی و آرمانی برای جوامع اسلامی، بیش از پیش مورد توجه محققان، متفکران دینی و حتی سیاستگذاران جهان اسلام قرار گرفته است. دو عنصر بنیادین—عدالت و مقاومت—در ساخت و تحقق چنین تمدنی نقشی بی‌بدیل و کانونی دارند. از سویی، عدالت، تضمین‌کننده حرکت جامعه اسلامی در مسیر رشد، رفاه، انسجام و هویت انسانی—با معیارهای قرآنی و روایی—است. از سوی دیگر، مقاومت نیز عامل پایداری هویت، بقای استقلال و پاسداری از ارزش‌های اسلامی در برابر موج‌های ظلم، استکبار و استعمار تلقی می‌شود. بررسی عمیق پیوند، ظرفیت‌ها و الزامات این دو مقوله اساسی در فرآیند تمدن‌سازی اسلامی محور این گفتار خواهد بود.
این مقاله با رویکردی تحلیلی و توصیفی، ضمن تبیین مفاهیم عدالت و مقاومت در اندیشه اسلامی، به بازخوانی نقش و کارکرد آن‌ها در ساختارهای اجتماعی، حکومتی و فرهنگی می‌پردازد؛ همچنین ظرفیت‌شناسی، گونه‌شناسی جنبش‌¬ها و تجارب تاریخی، چالش‌¬ها و راهبردهای تحقق این دو عنصر را در تحقق تمدن نوین اسلامی به بحث می‌گذارد. در این مسیر، اندیشه‌های الهام‌بخش بزرگان چون امام خمینی (ره) و امام خامنه‌ای (مد ظله العالی) محور تحلیل عمیق‌تر قرار گرفته است.

The metaphorical representation of the human body as an ideal community stands among the oldest and most complex figures in political philosophy. By analogizing the human body with both micro-and macro-level human collectives, this metaphor provides a coherent framework for understanding social and political organization. Prominently, Muslim philosophers such as al-Fārābī and Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī-who mark the beginning and climax of medieval Islamic political thought-have utilized this analogy in their works. This article traces the discourse on the "body politic" from antiquity through the medieval period, highlighting seminal contributions by Muslim thinkers. Employing Lakoff and Johnson's theory of "conceptual metaphor," we examine the metaphor's structure and conceptual network within the practical wisdom texts of Peripatetic philosophy. Additionally, the article discusses the stagnation in the metaphor's development within Islamic political thought, contrasting this with its transformation in Western philosophy, where the "body politic" evolved from a structural analogy to a concept describing political collectivity. Ultimately, we argue that, due to the formative role of metaphors in shaping understanding and belief, the "body politic" metaphor serves as a powerful framework for analyzing contemporary political and social dynamics in Iran.
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استفادۀ استعاری از بدن انسان برای سخن گفتن از اجتماع انسانی ایده‌آل از قدیمی‌ترین استعاره‌هایی است که در فلسفه سیاسی کاربرد داشته و به اشکال مختلف به کار رفته است. «پیکر سیاسی» استعاره‌ای است که بر اساس آن، برای ارائه فهمی منسجم از عالم، میان بدن انسان و اجتماعات خرد/کلان انسانی مشابهت برقرار می‌شود. فلاسفه مشائی مسلمان، به‌ویژه فارابی و نصیرالدین طوسی که در کانون فلسفه سیاسی نزد فیلسوفان مسلمان قرون میانه ایستاده‌اند، از این استعاره استفاده کرده‌اند. این مقاله علاوه بر ترسیم جغرافیای بحث از «پیکر سیاسی» از دنیای باستان تا قرون وسطی و نقش حکمای مسلمان در پروراندن آن، با استفاده از نظریه «استعاره مفهومی» لیکاف و جانسون، کاربرد این استعاره و شبکه مفاهیم حول آن را در متون حکمی فلسفه مشایی بررسی کرده است. همچنین، با عنایت به سیر تحول این مفهوم در فلسفه سیاسی غرب و تبدیل آن از «پیکر سیاسی» به «پیکرۀ سیاسی» به توقف تحول این استعاره در اندیشه سیاسی نزد حکمای مسلمان اشاره کرده است. درنهایت با توجه به کارکردهای استدلالی استعاره‌ها در فهم و تجربه ما از جهان و توانایی که برای ایجاد تغییر در باورهای ما دارند، پیشنهاد کرده‌ایم که تأمل دربارۀ استعاره «پیکر سیاسی» یکی از بهترین نامزدها برای کمک به ایجاد فهم جدید از مناسبات سیاسی و اجتماعی در ایران معاصر است.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

İşrâkî felsefe geleneğinin önemli temsilcilerinden olan Şemsüddîn Muhammed b. Mahmûd eş-Şehrezûrî (ö. 687/1288'den sonra), Erbil ve Hemedan arasında yer alan Şehrezûr'da dünyaya gelmiştir. Hayatı hakkında sınırlı bilgilere sahip olduğumuz Şehrezûrî, Şihâbüddîn es-Sühreverdî el-Maktûl'ün (ö. 587/1191) eserlerine şerh yazmasının yanında müstakil eserler de kaleme almıştır. Eserlerinde mantık, fizik, metafizik konularına yer veren Şehrezûrî, ilimler tasnifini de ele almıştır. Felsefeyi varlık ve fiillere (eylem) bağlı olarak varlık felsefesi (ontoloji) üzerinden temellendiren Şehrezûrî'nin yapmış olduğu tasnifte İbn Sînâ başta olmak üzere Sühreverdî'nin etkileri de görülmektedir. Özellikle İbn Sînâ'nın (öl.428/1037) felsefî ve aklî ilimlere ilişkin yazdığı Risâle fî aķsâmi'l-'ulûmi'l-'aķliyye adıyla bilinen risâlesinin etkileri açıkça görülmektedir. İslâm düşüncesinde ilimler tasnifi geleneği içinde "ilahi ağaç motifini" kullanan Şehrezûrî'nin ilimler tasnifi ile ilgili şimdiye kadar bir çalışma yapılmamıştır. Bu makale İslâm düşüncesinde önemli bir yere sahip olan Şehrezûrî'nin ilimler tasnifiyle ilgili görşlerini incelemeyi ve değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır.

We are living in a fractious world, where personal relations between the people are not always pleasant. There could be many insignificant, trivial conflicts between individuals, which if they were not resolved at some point, they may grow and may become serious problem not only for personal relations but for community. It is commonly thought greetings, smiling, shaking hands, embracing and kissing one another is the primary cure, or primary precaution for such social problems however, for hearts to truly reconcile and strengthen social bonds, those behaviors are needed but not enough. If such gestures do not spring from a deep-seated conviction that one's fellow being must be loved for the sake of God, then they remain at the level of external social politesse and cannot effect social reform at the deepest, grass-roots level. As Nursi said primary motive of individuals must come from the belief.

The establishment of Islamic political parties in the reform era in Indonesia after the fall of Suharto (1998), considered as resurgence of political stream. There are several factors that led to the revival of Islamic parties after the New Order, the theological factor, historical, sociological, and reform factor. The presence of Islamic political parties after the New Order was apparently diverse and fragmented. In the political elite of Islam itself in establishing a political party based on Islam and there is also based on nationality, and in establishing political party was using substantially approach and there is also that use formalistic approach. In the reform era elections, political Islam has failed, in which Islamic parties do not receive optimal support from voters Islam. The failure of Islamic parties in election of reform era is caused of factor among Muslims has been change the orientation of political views. Islamic parties in the reform era stuck in a political myth quantity, and Islamic parties are also fragmented and fractured in to small forces.

The September 11, 2001, attacks on New York and Washington created a surge in scholarly interest in terrorism and extremism. However, there have been few comprehensive examinations of the role played by religious leaders in countering threats against state and society. Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the Iraqi Shia spiritual leader, emerged during the US invasion and occupation as a prominent figure promoting tolerance, rejecting extremism, and calling for peace among sectarian groups and political parties. This article explores how Sistani has opposed violent extremism, particularly after the Islamic State conquered parts of Syria and Iraq. Since 2017, Sistani has aided Iraq's post-ISIS recovery by urging the government to bring militias under state authority, advocating for national unity, and seeking reforms to bolster the country's sovereignty and stability. The study examines Sistani's fatwas and public statements, showing that by mobilizing his followers and leveraging his moral authority, the grand ayatollah has helped mitigate sectarian tensions and quell violence. It concludes with a discussion of the succession process, as Sistani has reached his mid-90s.

Professor Fuad Sezgin has shown the contributions of the Islamic world to science for both Muslims and non-Muslims. Fuad Sezgin, who reminded the existence of the Islamic world on the basis of today's development in the Western world, has created a revival and excitement effect in the Muslim world which is experiencing a stagnation of civilization.
Fuad Sezgin, one of the greatest scholars of Islamic scientific historiography, led to the opening of many scientific institutions and the copyrighting and printing of hundreds of scientific works of different branches. His work (History of Arab-Islamic Science / GAS Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums) is considered as the most comprehensive work on biography-catalog-bibliography in the Islamic world. In this article, Professor Fuad Sezgin's work has been introduced and criticisms and additions have been examined.


Prof. Dr. Fuad Sezgin, hem Müslümanlara hem de Müslüman olmayanlara İslam dünyasının bilime yapmış olduğu katkıları göstermeyi başarmıştır. Bunun ile Batı dünyasına bugünkü gelişmişliklerinin temelinde İslam dünyasının var olduğunu hatırlatan Fuad Sezgin, bir medeniyet durgunluğu yaşayan Müslüman dünyada ise yeniden bir canlanma ve heyecan etkisi yaratmıştır. İslam bilim tarihçiliğinin son dönemlerdeki en büyük âlimlerinden sayılan Fuad Sezgin, birçok ilmi kurumun açılmasına ve farklı dallara ait yüzlerce ilmi eserin telif edilmesine ve basılmasına öncülük etmiştir. Bizzat onun telif ettiği Arap-İslam Bilim Tarihi / GAS Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums adlı eser, İslam dünyasında biyografi-katalog-bibliyografi alanında bugüne kadar telif edilmiş en kapsamlı eser olarak kabul edilmektedir. Bu makalede Fuad Sezgin'in sözkonusu eseri tanıtılmış ve ona getirilen eleştiriler ve yapılan eklemeler ele alınmıştır.

The study aims to criticize some of the interpretation mechanisms employed by
the Arab modernists in order to open the meaning of the legal texts to several
readings, as they relied on some verbal interpretation approaches in order to argue for
the humanization of the text and the removal of its holiness and the impact of reality
on it, especially with the Mu’tazilit theory of the creation of the Qur’an to confirm
the claim of the existence of two levels of revelation (divine and transcendent).And
(human incarnate), (eternal and created).

Today's Muslims are facing the most crucial time of history since the last few decades. They are victimized by the irresponsible streotyping attitude due to September 11, 2001 and the London Bombing on 7th July, 2005. It has become a common fashion that Muslims are being charged with terrorism for every single terrorist acts in any part of the world. Western criticisms towards Islam seem to have increased more than ever before. Muslims are being terrorized in the name of 'anti-terrorism' everywhere, as a result, Muslims suffer in almost all countries of the world. Islamic organizations, vastly in the poor and affected Muslim nations, like Afghanistan, Palestine and many others, have been shut down and restricted; their offices have been raided; the officers are held for trials and tribunals besides the ongoing 'security' measures taken against the Muslims. Muslims are being laughed at as 'culprits' and 'terrorists.' This paper discuss the issue of...

Makalah ini membahas secara komprehensif metodologi, kandungan, dan sumber dalam filsafat pendidikan Islam sebagai landasan pengembangan sistem pendidikan yang selaras dengan prinsip-prinsip syariah. Kajian dilakukan melalui studi pustaka terhadap sumber primer seperti Al-Qur’an dan Hadis, serta literatur sekunder dari pemikiran para ulama dan pakar pendidikan. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa filsafat pendidikan Islam memiliki metodologi yang fleksibel, kandungan yang mencakup dimensi spiritual, moral, intelektual, dan sosial, serta sumber yang kokoh dari wahyu dan tradisi ilmiah Islam. Pendidikan Islam tidak hanya menitikberatkan pada transfer pengetahuan, tetapi juga pembentukan karakter dan peradaban umat, sehingga relevan untuk diterapkan di berbagai konteks zaman.

This article explores Sufi conceptions of Mahdi in the historical context of Dagestan and analyzes their current state. In Dagestani Sufism, the figure of Mahdi is an integral part of eschatological beliefs, centered around the expectation of the imminent arrival of the savior of the Islamic world and the understanding of one’s role in this process. The article traces the development of these teachings in detail: from their dissemination in the works of Middle Eastern Sufis to their adaptation in the writings of Dagestani ‘ulama and Sufis. These eschatological ideas entered Dagestan in the second half of the 18th century and, evolving over two centuries, became a significant part of regional Sufism. It has been established that after the end of the Caucasian War, some ‘ulama loyal to the new imperial authority utilized these beliefs to counteract anti-colonial sentiments. Apocalyptic expectations and related ideas about Mahdi were revived at the beginning of each Islamic century, as well as during times of political and economic crises. In the post-Soviet period, against the backdrop of the collapse of the USSR and the revival of Islam in national republics, the figure of Mahdi gained special significance for Dagestani Sufis. In the contemporary era, Sufi conceptions of Mahdi not only remain relevant but also receive new impetus for development. In Dagestan, they manifest in a specific form—through the concept of the deputy (na’ib) of Mahdi and the recognition of a special mission for his followers. This phenomenon in Dagestan can be seen as a consequence of the reconciliation process between the state and Sufism in the post-Soviet period.