Hellenistic Monarchy

Freedom is just another word for nothing left to lose (Kris Kristofferson) »Als Megara eingenommen war und die Soldaten sich ans Plündern machen wollten, setzten sich die Athener mit Eifer für die Megarer ein. Demetrios vertrieb darum nur die Besatzung und erklärte die Stadt für frei. Während er damit beschäftigt war, kam ihm der Philosoph Stilpon in den Sinn, ein Mann, der den Ruf hatte, sein Leben in Ruhe zu Ende führen zu wollen. Er ließ ihn nun kommen und fragte, ob ihm jemand etwas von seinem Eigentum genommen habe. Und Stilpon erwiderte: ›Nein. Ich habe nämlich niemand Wissen (episteme) forttragen sehen.‹ Nun waren aber fast alle Sklaven heimlich weggebracht worden. Als darum Demetrios weiter freundlich mit ihm sprach und schließlich beim Abschied sagte: ›Frei hinterlasse ich euch jetzt die Stadt, Stilpon‹, erwiderte dieser: ›Da hast du recht: Du hast keinen von unseren Sklaven dagelassen.‹« 1 Freiheit? In Plutarchs Gespräch zwischen Herrscher und Philosoph geht es um bewusst eingesetztes Missverstehen dessen, was Freiheit ist. Vermeintlich feste Begrifflichkeiten lösen sich auf. Schon die erste besorgte Frage des Königs, ob er bestohlen worden sei, kontert der Philosoph, indem er auf einem rein geistigen Verständnis von Besitz beharrt: Wissen, beziehungsweise Verstehen, sei nicht entwendbar. Wohl aber Freiheit. Das Selbstlob des Demetrios, er habe Megara die Freiheit gebracht, bestätigt Stilpon ironisch und unterläuft es zugleich: Befreit habe er Megara schon, doch nur insofern er die Stadt aller Sklaven entledigt habe. Die neue megarische Freiheit komme nicht als herrscherliche Gabe, sondern als Diebstahl -und zwar der Unfreien. Stilpons Denkangebot an Demetrios spielt mit dem etablierten Gegensatz von ›eleutheria‹ und ›dou-leia‹, 2 läuft aber auf formallogischen Unsinn hinaus: Ist Megara mit der Absenz jeglicher Knechtschaft etwa zu einem freien Gemeinwesen geworden? Das Gegenteil scheint der

Cultic and other honors offered to rulers by their subjects unambiguously express loyalty to the rulers. Based on data collected for the Seleukid and Ptolemaic empires, a comparison is offered emphasizing the particular qualities of the Seleukid record. The comparison considers geographic distribution, where the honors fell on a public to private spectrum, the occupations and ethnicities of the subjects who offered honors individually, the intensity of these practices, and changes in the patterns over time. We know in advance that honors for the rulers are weakly attested for the Seleukid east, and even in Koile Syria and Phoinike. Should this reticence be interpreted as a possible indication of tepid support for Seleukid rule in these regions? Alternative explanations or contributing factors include preexisting cultural habits, different royal policies, destruction of evidence by wars and natural disasters, and the unevenness of archaeological exploration.

A new interpretation is proposed for the inscription engraved on a small bronze base, datable to the first half of the 6th century BCE, discovered in the oracle sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios in Boeotia. The inscription, in metrical form, reads: [Π]ροτανίο ἐμὶ ὀβελός γα· Τασσιάδας ποίεσε. The most distinctive element is the term ὀβελός, used to designate the dedicated object, which constitutes a unique occurrence among archaic votive inscriptions. By drawing comparisons with Delphi and analysing a decree concerning the extraction of water from a well of the deme of Lamptrai, it is suggested that the object should not be interpreted as a mere votive offering but rather as a payment made in exchange for drawing water and consulting the oracle.

A hoard allowed reconstruction of the output of this mint, which began with imitations of the civic drachms of Chios of Alexander type, and concluded with drachms depicting an elephant head, then a triskeles, on the reverse. It is assumed that the imitative drachms were designed for pay of mercenaries from Chios. The change in types suggests that the mint lay in the path of the Seleucid conquest of southern Asia Minor at the end of the Fifth Syrian War, and that troops from Lycia were involved.

In 333 Alexander departed Celaenae in central Phrygia, leaving Antigonus, the son of Philip, in charge of the satrapy of Greater Phrygia (Arr. Anab. 1.29.3; Curt. 3.1.8; Just. 13.4.14).  Antigonus' role was critical; from his position astride the inland line of communications, he was to guard Asia Minor against any counterattack and protect Alexander's lifeline to Europe.
Alexander realized that his control of the coast was tenuous so long as the Persian fleet retained its dominance in the Aegean. After Issus it was Antigonus who prevented the remnants of the defeated Persian forces from reacquiring Asia Minor (Curt. 4.1.34-35). However, after Issus and
the successful siege of Tyre, with the Great King in flight to Mesopotamia and the Aegean under Alexander's control, Antigonus' importance diminished and he remained in the west while events swept ever eastward. The ten years from Issus until Alexander's death in Babylon in 323 were,
however, not wasted for Antigonus. They were used by him to create a personal empire in Asia Minor; one based on direct control of an extended satrapy, alliances with native rulers, and the recruitment of native forces. As a result, after Alexander's death Antigonus was a major force with
which to be reckoned.

All'epoca di Augusto i cambiamenti in ambito religioso furono grandissimi. Augusto e i futuri imperatori divinizzati non erano solo degli dèi in più rispetto al pantheon tradizionale, perché la loro natura non era propriamente uguale a quella degli altri dèi, e a provarlo basterebbe il fatto che non erano detti dei ma divi. Le speculazioni teologiche che furono fatte in merito agli imperatori divinizzati furono fra le più raffinate e complesse. Anche l'organizzazione sacerdotale fu diversa da quella per il vecchio culto degli dèi. Un aspetto poco conosciuto di questo ambito della religione romana è il ruolo del culto di Apollo come forma di culto imperiale, o, per lo meno, del culto di certi imperatori. Augusto scelse Apollo come suo protettore e i poeti e gli artisti di epoca augustea fecero quanto era nelle loro possibilità per creare analogie e proporre forme di identificazione fra il principe e il dio. Quest'opera ideologica, politicamente molto rilevante, determinò una diversa valorizzazione di Apollo in età imperiale. Questo dio, per altro, era ormai definitivamente identificato con il dio Sole, e l'iconografia del sole prevalse progressivamente su quella di Apollo citaredo, ma senza dubbio Apollo e Sol erano sentiti come un'unica divinità. Apollo medico fu pressoché dimenticato. Al vecchio dio supremo della repubblica, Giove, si affiancava e sovrapponeva il dio dell'impero: Apollo. Con ciò si spiega la costante incertezza su quale fosse il dio supremo di Roma in epoca imperiale. La famosa IV Bucolica di Virgilio proclamava: tuus iam regnat Apollo 1 . Apollo pertanto era una manifestazione di Augusto. Apollo regnava in cielo quando Augusto regnava sulla terra. Servio interpretava i versi virgiliani in questo modo: Dicono che Virgilio intende per Apollo lo stesso Augusto. Dicendo tuus iam regnat Apollo indica l'ultimo secolo, che, secondo la Sibilla, sarebbe stato quello del Sole. E riguarda Augusto, per il quale fu fatta un'immagine con tutti i simboli di Apollo 2 .

Resumo: Muitas vezes, a palavra "mito" é entendida como sinônimo de "mentira". No entanto, na pesquisa histórica, o mito tem muito a revelar ao historiador, pois pode fornecer informações sobre figuras históricas que inspiraram a construção de determinado mito, bem como sobre aspectos políticos e sociais subjacentes à formação da narrativa mítica. No presente artigo, abordaremos o mito de Semíramis, conforme apresentado no Epitoma Historiarum Philippicarum Pompei Trogi, de Marco Juniano Justino. Mais do que uma mera análise do mito, buscaremos lançar hipóteses sobre suas origens históricas e literárias, assim como os motivos que levaram o autor a caracterizar Semíramis e seu filho Nínias de maneira negativa e pejorativa. Para isso, situaremos a escrita de Justino no seu contexto histórico de criação, a fim de melhor compreender tais desenvolvimentos.

Cet article, en français correspond à l'article publié auparavant sur academia.edu, Eucratides.  Le roi Eucratide I est peu connu, comme tous les rois gréco-bactriens et indo-grecs. Beaucoup de textes ont été traduits de l'anglais, dans cet article.  Beaucoup de sujets  passionnants autour de la vie d'Eucratide surprendront le lecteur.

Xenophon, with his works Anabasis and Agiselausa explors different
models of leadership in complex challenges, hostile enemies, resource scarcity, and internal dissent, demonstrating the need for the interplay of
strategy, ethics, and context in effective decision making.

In the Hellenistic age, when an intense colonisation process developed in which the rulers themselves played a fundamental role, the cult of the oikist still appears to be a vital and deeply rooted practice. This contribution examines some of the known cases (mostly relating to foundations of Alexander's diadochoi), in order to verify the role played by the sovereigns and poleis respectively in the establishment and survival of the cults in question.

In the Hellenistic age, when an intense colonisation process developed in which the rulers themselves played a fundamental role, the cult of the oikist still appears to be a vital and deeply rooted practice. This contribution examines some of the known cases (mostly relating to foundations of Alexander's diadochoi), in order to verify the role played by the sovereigns and poleis respectively in the establishment and survival of the cults in question.

This volume introduces the notion of "stranger-kingship" to the field of ancient history and evaluates its use as a new way of thinking about kingship as a political, social, and cultural phenomenon.

The chapters highlight the clear and widespread value of the "stranger-king" as a new approach for understanding patterns of political life across time and space in antiquity. The volume begins with theoretical discussions of the "stranger king" and explores how the theory can be mapped onto current thinking about kingship in both Greece and Rome. The chapters then show the multifaceted ways in which this theory can be applied, testing some of its core ideas through case studies that cover Hellenistic monarchy, Greek and Roman kings, the Ptolemies of Egypt, Late Antique Roman emperors, and Ostrogothic Italy and Visigothic Iberia. The volume demonstrates that stranger-kingship has much to offer studies of ancient kingship as a heuristic tool, providing avenues for future research.

Stranger-Kingship in Antiquity provides a fascinating cross-cultural study of "stranger kings", of interest to students and scholars in classical studies and the history of the ancient Mediterranean world.

Utilizing unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) photography and photogrammetry, this project created a digital elevation model of the Agora and Acropolis of Athens in order to understand the evolution of the city’s built environment in the Hellenistic and early Roman period (ca. 300 BCE–50 CE). Populated with 3D block models, the digital elevation model enabled advanced viewshed
analyses that clarify which monuments were visible to—and interacted with—one another. This article demonstrates the capabilities and analytical potential of such modeling by examining the monuments dedicated to and by the Attalid dynasty of Pergamon and how these constructions affected the experience of the city’s built environment.

The chapter examines some of the main military conflicts in the Classical period (478-423 BCE) of ancient Greek history where religious offences and a desire to punish them were cited, in our textual sources, as motivations for war.  Allowing for the possibility that we are dealing in those cases as much with religious rhetoric as with genuine religious motivations, I argue that the language of our sources where they articulate religious motivations reveals a constellation of deeply significant cultural concepts. The vocabulary used is consistent across the texts of Herodotus, Thucydides, Isocrates, Diodorus and centres on the notions of divine honour or divine dues (timai) and a need to ‘satisfy honour’(timoreô) or to exact a price or repayment (tinô, apotinô) for dishonour perpetrated against the gods of the Greek lands. The discussion raises questions about the right of different human agents in the Greek world, both individual and collective, to position themselves as protectors and avengers of divine honours, ready to fulfil their perceived religious obligations by means of war.

Exploration and conquest are components of all the civilisations built by the Homo sapiens, since the beginning of his long process of sedentarisation, on all the continents. Unlike the free movements of the nomadic groups, "exploration" involves awareness and conceptualisation of the so-called "natural barriers", which become "borders" and "frontiers" of political structures established by various groups. Therefore, "exploration" is determined and determines conquest of territories, resources or information. In this paper, we offer an anthropological overview of the most ancient processes of exploration and conquest by focusing on the concepts of "barriers" in ancient Afro-Eurasian cultures and civilisations that left texts explaining their views on the "borders" or, at least, archaeological traces which can be interpreted as such. Our main focus is the Greco-Roman world, which created the literary genres of "chorography" and "geography" that influenced all the map makers of the West and, after globalization, of the whole world. In the first part, we present a general overview on the notions of "borders" in various Afro-Eurasian empires, in comparison with cultures from Africa and pre-Columbian Americas. In the second part, we discuss Greek and Roman borders in the making, as they appear in chorographic and geographic texts following Alexander's the Great and the Julio-Claudian expansions of Hellenism and Romanisation. In the final part we trace some of the effects of these ancient borders, in the long run. Our main aim is to explain the socio-anthropological mechanisms of spatial conceptualisation and how these cognitive and political processes have been a major factor in the geopolitical construction of the present world, even more than the conquest itself.

Having conquered Egypt, Alexander the Great was aware of the country's paramount geopolitical significance. Therefore, he sought to eliminate all elements that could lead to its secession from central authority and established an administrative system that prevented the concentration of power in the hands of a single individual. He divided power among many individuals who were personally accountable to him. An ostracon from Memphis served as the basis for Stanley Burstein's claim that Alexander the Great divided Egypt into two satrapies. Burstein relies solely on the similarity between two personal names: that of satrap Pediese, mentioned in the ostracon, and Petisis, one of the two administrative governors of Egypt, recorded by Flavius Arrian in the Anabasis. He even attributed the title of the nomarch of Egypt to both Petisis and Dolоaspis. Despite the lack of concrete evidence, the scholarly literature has begun referencing this claim as fact. This paper aims to highlight the thesis that Alexander the Great divided Egypt into two satrapies has no basis in the historical sources and reexamine the methodology used by Burstein.

Emperor Claudius was portrayed critically by senatorial aristocratic sources, questioned, among other things, for his favorable attitude toward provincial elites, women, merchants, and freedmen, all marked by submission and the resulting inferiority. Claudius appears in the textual tradition, with the Latins Tacitus and Suetonius
and the Greek Cassius Dio, as an individual riddled with flaws: lame, stuttering, a nerd, close to equestrians and women, and a champion of freedmen. Archaeology contributes to providing different insights and we'll highlight some evidences.

By AD 350 over eighty cities in Asia Minor and the Levant would utilize, at least once on their coins, an image of Tyche subjugating a water-deity. The image originated by a Greek artist who sculpted a statue of Tyche sitting on a rock with her foot on a water-deity to mark the founding of the city of Antioch on the Orontes (Syria). This essay reviews the history of Tigranes the Great, king of Armenia, and offers a rationale for why he chose Antioch's Tyche to appear on his coins. Tigranes found himself building a kingdom that spanned two great cultures (Greek and Persian). As the first person to use Antioch's subjugating Tyche on coins, it is worth considering that this act has the potential to send the message that his kingdom is just as much Greek as it is Persian.

My dissertation investigates the production, representation and experience of space in Hellenistic urbanism, architecture, artworks. Considering festivals as spatialized practices, I argue that the Hellenistic urban setting was carefully designed as stages or arenas for the celebration and performance of state ceremonials. To this end, architects used symbolically charged design technologies, such as skenographia which was deeply informed by ancient optical science. I demonstrate that the perspectival developments in architecture, painting and sculpture were closely allied through application of skenographia, forming a unified visual discourse that was highly attentive to the eye of the spectator. I reconstruct the spatial practices in three major sites of Hellenistic Pergamon, namely, the sanctuary of Athena Nikephoros (bringer of Victory), the famous Altar of Zeus, and the sanctuary complex of the theater of Dionysus. Through these reconstructions, I demonstrate that the spatial o...

Facebook-Gründer Mark Zuckerberg wäre gerne wie Kaiser Augustus, auf TikTok ging viral, dass viele Männer täglich an das Römische Reich denken, und der italienische Journalist Aldo Gazzullo schreibt in seinem Buch „Ewiges Imperium": Das antike Weltreich ist eigentlich nie untergegangen und prägt die westliche Welt bis heute. Kann uns die Antike auch etwas zum Stiften, Spenden und Engagieren sagen? Ja, findet Stefan Nährlich, der nicht nur Geschäftsführer der Stiftung Aktive Bürgerschaft ist, sondern auch begeisterter Antikenfreund. In sechs Beiträgen schreibt er für Stiftung & Sponsoring darüber.

Pim Möhring and Rolf Strootman, ‘Mysian light infantry in the Seleukid army’, in: A. Coşkun and B. E. Scolnic eds., The Seleukids at War: Recruitment, Composition, and Organization. Seleukid Perspectives 2 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2024) 159–180.

According to Polybios, a unit of ‘Mysians’ was part of the procession organized by Antiochos IV Epiphanes at Daphne in 166 BCE. Their presence has puzzled historians. In 188 BCE, the Treaty of Apameia had prohibited the recruitment of troops for the Seleukids in Asia Minor. Mysia, moreover, was at that time the territorial base of the Attalid Dynasty. Various solutions have been proposed: these Mysians may in fact have been Attalid troops who had been ‘lent out’ to Antiochos; the Treaty of Apameia was binding only for Antiochos III, not his son Antiochos IV; they were not actually Mysians, but mercenaries armed as Mysians.

In this paper, we identify these and other ‘Mysians’ in Seleukid armies. Using also evidence from the Achaimenid period, we argue that their identity was for a large part based upon a real background in the mountainous interior of Northwest Anatolia. The population of this region was hardly controlled by the Achaimenids, Seleukids, or Attalids, and like the Galatians they often operated as a ‘warrior people’ from which Achaemenid and Hellenistic armies recruited units. This self-presentation was fundamental for collective Mysian identity as it developend in the Persian and Hellenistic periods under the influence of interaction with the empires that recruited troops in the hinterland regions of northwestern Asia Minor.

In recent years, the study of the Hellenistic world in Chile and Ibero-American countries has experienced substantial growth, challenging conventional perspectives and fostering the development of new themes, methodologies, and interpretative frameworks. This Congress aims to provide a distinguished academic forum for researchers whose work focuses on the Hellenistic world, broadly defined from the reign of Philip II (4 th century BCE) to the Roman period (3 rd century CE). It covers a wide array of topics, including political, diplomatic, economic, religious, social, and cultural dynamics. The objective is to promote a deeper understanding of Hellenistic processes and expressions, while advancing the recognition of the Hellenistic world as a complex and multifaceted entity, one that integrates the traditions of Classical Greece with those of the Roman Empire, thereby offering diverse avenues for scholarly inquiry. Ultimately, the Congress seeks to establish an interdisciplinary and/or multidisciplinary platform for rigorous analysis, reflection, and academic discourse. First, crises can be understood as moments of political and military disruption, i.e., periods of upheaval and fracture in history, often triggered by wars, invasions, political assassinations, or the collapse of dynasties. Such events were perceived in varied ways by contemporaries, giving rise to debates about the nature and extent of the responses they provoked, whether destructive or resilient. Secondly, the term "crisis" can be historically understood as an opportunity for social transformation. Although crises may result in losses and abrupt changes, they have also created spaces for the reconfiguration of power, economic renewal, and the adaptation of

Überlegungen zur Funktion und Bedeutung der paideia für die städtischen Führungsschichten im kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien. Der Obertitel nennt zwei Termini, durch die sich die städtische Führungsschicht im kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien in den inschriftlichen Zeugnissen selbstbeschrieben wissen wollte, nämlich als Bürger, die legitimerweise die Geschicke der Bürgerschaft bestimmten und lenkten. In den Ehrendekreten werden sie in der bereits in hellenistischer Zeit geläufigen Weise als »gute und anständige« Bürger (ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί) bezeichnet, da sie bereitwillig verschiedene Aufgaben zum Nutzen der städtischen Gemeinschaft übernommen hatten. Zudem werden sie, bei weitem nicht so häufig, aber offenbar ausschließlich in kaiserzeitlichen Belegen als »in jeder Hinsicht vortrefflich« (παναρέτοι) tituliert 1 : Ihre ethische Praxis hätte in allen Belangen im Einklang mit den geltenden moralischen Normen gestanden, und insofern sei ihr persönliches Handeln vorbildlich und nachahmenswert gewesen. In diesem Beitrag möchte ich die Funktion und Bedeutung der paideia, der Kultiviertheit und Bildung, für diese besonders »vortrefflichen« Bürger aus dem Kreis der städtischen Führungsschichten betrachten, beschränkt 1 S. die 38 in in der Datenbank des Packard Humanities Institute: Greek Inscriptions aufgeführten Belege für παναρετ-, die vor allem in Pisidien und Pamphylien häufig in Verbindung mit φιλόπατρις vorkommen. Die Titulierung als ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός begegnet allerorts. Grundlegend für die Beschäftigung mit der kaiserzeitlichen städtischen Führungsschicht ist nach wie vor: Quass, Honoratiorenschicht (1993), der sich insbesondere mit dem Euergeten-Modell von Veyne (Le pain [1976]) auseinandergesetzt und dieses weiterentwickelt hat; vgl. auch Cramme, Euergetismus (2001); Stephan, Honoratioren (2002), 72-113; Dmitriev, City Government (2005), 109-286; Zuiderhoek, Munificence (2009), 53-153. In der Kaiserzeit trat allerdings das euergetische Modell in den Hintergrund und verfestigte sich die Kluft zwischen der Führungsschicht und den gewöhnlichen Bürgern, wie z.B. Heller, La cité grecque (2009) zu Recht betont hat; vgl. zu dieser Tendenz zur ›Aristokratisierung‹ bereits in späthellenistischer Zeit: Scholz, Macht der Wenigen (2008), 87-99.

for her comments that greatly improved this article. For ancient texts and translations the Loeb editions are used, unless otherwise indicated in the bibliography. The abbreviations used are those of the OCD 4 for ancient works, SEG for epigraphical publications, and the AJA for periodicals. 1. Arist. Pol. 3.1285b: πέμπτον δ᾽ εἶδος βασιλείας, ὅταν ᾖ πάντων κύριος εἷς ὤν, ὥσπερ ἕκαστον ἔθνος καὶ πόλις ἑκάστη τῶν κοινῶν, τεταγμένη κατὰ τὴν οἰκονομικήν. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἡ οἰκονομικὴ βασιλεία τις οἰκίας ἐστίν, οὕτως ἡ παμβασιλεία πόλεως καὶ ἔθνους ἑνὸς ἢ πλειόνων οἰκονομία. (But a fifth kind of kingship is when a single ruler is sovereign over all matters in the way in which each race and each city is sovereign over its common affairs; this monarchy ranges with the rule of a master over a household, for just as the master's rule is a sort of monarchy in the home, so absolute monarchy is domestic mastership over a city, or over a race or several races). 2. Brock 2013, 25. 3. Pl. Plt. 258e: πότερον οὖν τὸν πολιτικὸν καὶ βασιλέα καὶ δεσπότην καὶ ἔτ᾽ οἰκονόμον θήσομεν ὡς ἓν πάντα ταῦτα προσαγορεύοντες…; (Shall we then assume that the statesman, king, master, and householder too, for that matter, are all one, to be grouped under one title?); Xen. Mem. 3.4.7: ὡς οἱ ἀγαθοὶ οἰκονόμοι ἀγαθοὶ στρατηγοὶ ἂν εἶεν. (That a good business man would make a good general).

Een verhaal over Kadmos en Europa" door Jan M.F. VAN REETH voor de vrienden Rachid Hassoun en Abdelkader Rabati, denkend aan duizend-en-één-nachtelijke gesprekken Résumé L'Europe étant une idée plutôt qu'une région géographique précise, toute tentative de définition se heurte à des obstacles enracinés dans les profondeurs de l'histoire. Aujourd'hui nous voyons renaître la théorie qui lie lanaissance de l'Europe moderne ainsi que le commencement du Moyen Áge, à l'entrée en scène de l'Islam, l'empire musulman étant tenu responsable de la division du monde méditerranéen ancien en deux parties bien distinctes. Pour réfuter cette thèse, nous invoquons existence de frontières culturelles séculaires, antérieures à l'Islam, qui séparent l'Occident de l'Orient, mais suivant des lignes de démarcation inverses. En outre, nous insistons sur le caractère occidental des pays du * Met dank aan Daniel De Smet, Wim Devriendt en Mo Essaadi.

Sparta stands out as a prominent city-state of ancient Greece, renowned for its significant historical impact. Its legacy is marked not only by its involvement in major historical events but also by the 'peculiarities' attributed to the constitution and societal life of the Classical city. Ancient written sources often portrayed Sparta as a militaristic and patriotic model of severity, discipline and austerity, crafting narratives that emphasised these traits. Over time, these narratives have fascinated various audiences and frequently been used for ideological and political purposes. Locally, these historical narratives have affected aspects of the contemporary Spartan society and the expectations of visitors and scholars. Projects for the enhancement of Spartan archaeological sites were systematically implemented rather late, in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. This article discusses this development and explores the ways in which organised and accessible archaeological sites and their narratives can engage diverse audiences. It also considers how such efforts can challenge and revise established narratives, impacting local identity and regional development.

A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em . Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso.

Não se nasce mulher, torna-se mulher". Simone de Beauvoir RESUMO: A descrição das mulheres egípcias como um grupo detentor de direitos iguais aos dos homens ainda é muito comum na literatura. Apesar da contestação de vários estudiosos quanto a isso e a vários fatores, ou polêmicas à parte, as mulheres do Egito gozavam de uma situação jurídica e social privilegiada, se comparado a outras civilizações antigas, conforme os documentos analisados. Mas, afinal, qual era o verdadeiro papel da mulher na sociedade faraônica? O que mudou -se mudou -nos tempos atuais? Esses e outros questionamentos poderão ser conhecidos e vistos imageticamente, neste artigo, acerca da mulher pertencente a uma sociedade cujo país é envolvido por mistérios e descobertas históricas que atravessam eras.

Titel der Masterarbeit / Title of the Master's Thesis "Der Mann, der Rom den Untergang brachte. TV-Dokumentationen als Wissensvermittlung am Beispiel des Kaisers Commodus" verfasst von / submitted by Katharina Mölk BA angestrebter akademischer Grad / in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) Wien, 2018 / Vienna 2018 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt / degree programme code as it appears on the student record sheet: A 066 807 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt / degree programme as it appears on the student record sheet:

Die 1993 neugefundene bithynische Stockwerkstele des Mokazis und seiner Familie bietet für eine nordwestkleinasiatische Grabstele durch ihre drei überdurchschnittlich qualitätvollen Bildfelder und die ausführliche, im mittleren Teil metrische, homerisierende Inschrift ungewöhnlich ...

If you know anything about preaching, you'll know that a number of famous preachers and teachers of preaching have encouraged us to preach like Scripture itself. Put slightly differently, this means that our practices of teaching and preaching should be formed and informed by Scripture itself. 1 1 agree wholeheartedly, and, in a related vein, have often encouraged students to develop their theologies of Scripture on the basis of specific texts from Scripture. Wanting to set a good example, I've tried to do this myself. I have five texts on my "for sure" list. They include the following: John 6:68: Simon Peter answered him, "Lord, to whom can we go? You have the words of eternal life." (NRSV) Eccl 5:2: Never be rash with your mouth, nor let your heart be quick to utter a word before God, for God is in heaven, and you upon earth; therefore let your words be few. (NRSV) Job 2:10: [Job] replied.. ."Shall we accept good from God, and not trouble? (NIV) Genesis 32:31: The sun rose upon him as he passed Penuel ["the face of God," in Hebrew], limping because of his hip.

Endowments (or foundations) are a widespread phenomenon in antiquity. The present work assembles all known ancient Greek endowments from the Classical and Hellenistic periods, presenting the texts in Greek and in translation. The main aim of the volume is to discuss endowments in their political, social, economic, cultural and religious contexts, thus contributing to our understanding of society and economy of these periods.
Endowments were donations or bequests of property whose income was intended to fund specific purposes defined by the donors. The donated property was to be preserved intact, in order to guarantee that the intentions of the sponsor would be served in perpetuity. The recipients of the endowments were usually civic communities, sanctuaries or associations. The book discusses important aspects on the vocabulary and terminology of the endowments, their legal, economic and administrative characteristics, the identity of the donors (Hellenistic kings or private individuals), and the various purposes served by them. This analysis shows that the endowments fall within the broad phenomenon of euergetism that offered benefits to both the endowers and the recipients.
https://media.dav-medien.de/sample/9783515139168_p.pdf

Antiochos IV Epiphanes's persecution of the Judaeans in the 160s BC is perceived as an enigma in Hellenistic history. The restrictions on the observance of Judaism seem to constitute the first known persecution of a people and its religion in its own land. The most popular theories state that the king himself was not the initiator of the attack on Judaism. If, however, we see this persecution not as an isolated event but in the context of his life, the event may make more sense. Antiochos IV's hostage-ship in Rome in the 180's BC as one of the provisions of the Treaty of Apameia structured his life and influenced his ambitions and policies. It was his special relationship with Rome that may be read into many events in his life including his rise to power, and the Day of Eleusis, and may help explain Roman actions after his death. As Goldstein suggested, Antiochos IV may have modelled his persecution of the Judaeans on one against the Bacchants in Rome and Italy when he was a hostage there. Antiochos could have learned a great deal about religious persecution as a means of defining a society and achieving greater power for the state. What primarily motivated Antiochos IV, as both Bringmann and Gruen have emphasized, was the assertion of power in a chaotic situation and so he responded to political instability in Judaea with a show of force that would resound throughout his huge and politically-restless kingdom.

Αncestral-Traditional Cults of the Macedonians Dr Kalliopi G. Chatzinikolaou Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki The minting of Macedonia includes types with the ancestral-traditional gods of the Macedonians (Zeus, Heracles, Apollo) and a horseman, usually on the reverse type, even before the Hellenistic period. It is the reverberation of the dynastic cults where the traditional Olympian pantheon holds a special place. The numerous material remains that are associated with the form and substance of Zeus prove that he is the most important worshipped deity in Macedonia. A large number of votive and funerary monuments, statues and artifacts of a decorative nature also affirms the significance of the cult of Heracles. The rich and wide subject of Heracles poses the question about how he became the ancestor of the Dorian kings, as well as many other dynasties that followed, including the Macedonian dynasty. His special effect on society since he became the racial ancestor of the Macedonians incorporated him into their ancestral tradition due to political reasons. At the same time and in combination with the abovementioned, we examine the matter of the cult of the hero horseman or the heroes with the attribute of the horseman, which will lead to the peak of this phenomenon and the depiction of this particular iconographic type on votive and funerary reliefs during the Roman period. From the first half of the 5th century BC until the late Imperial period the Macedonian minting, in combination with the types of gods, such as Zeus or Heracles, proves the significance of the theme of the horseman in Macedonia, an area where horse breeding and the use of horses in the army were quite common. The origins of the cults of heroes in Macedonia are traced back to the depiction of the horsemen of the reigning Macedonian class. This will lead to the wide spread of the cult of the hero horseman with the numerous votive reliefs of local heroes and the even more numerous funerary reliefs of the heroized dead on the iconographic type of the hero horseman that is commonly used throughout the Roman period. We attempt a presentation and a discussion of the abovementioned issues, such as the detection of the reasons for these choices and their combination during the formation of the religious character of Macedonia from the death of Philip II onwards thus including the period of the Antigonids.