Government Accountability

The Civilian Protection and Government Accountability Act of 2025 (CPGAA) establishes a comprehensive framework to hold federal, state, and local governments accountable for misconduct, negligence, and abuse of power. The Act waives sovereign immunity in defined circumstances, allowing citizens to seek redress for personal injury, property damage, and constitutional violations through monetary damages, injunctive relief, and declaratory judgments. It creates uniform liability standards across all levels of government, strengthens procedural safeguards, and ensures political neutrality so that protections apply equally regardless of a citizen’s political views or affiliations.

Beyond litigation, the CPGAA emphasizes prevention and systemic reform through transparency requirements, mandatory reporting, government training programs, and the creation of an independent Civilian Protection Oversight Board. This body monitors compliance, investigates systemic issues, and recommends policy improvements, ensuring long-term accountability. By combining strong remedial mechanisms with robust oversight and data-driven prevention strategies, the Act seeks to restore public trust, deter future misconduct, and reaffirm the principle that no government entity or official is above the law.

Found Poem: Why Did Santoshi Die?
Re/Published in A-CODE 2025

ALGORITHM, AI AND PLATFORMS ACCOUNTABILITY
"In a world driven by change, where collaboration and creativity merge, a collective emerges to harness the transformative potential of the arts. A-CODE (Art and Collectives for Digital Empowerment) is an effort to enhance collaboration among civil society organisations working in different sectors, and advocating for a more pivotal role in the inclusion of the arts for social change. A-CODE is a platform created with the support of 20+ organisations and fellows who are committed to finding art, expression, culture, and heritage."

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Rural (CODEDES), ha desatado una feroz controversia. Aprobado por el Congreso el 2 de septiembre de 2025 con 108 votos a favor, la ley busca agilizar la ejecución de fondos públicos destinados a proyectos locales, como infraestructura, salud y educación en regiones sub atendidas. Sin embargo, su aprobación en "urgencia nacional" ha generado alertas sobre la erosión de controles fiscales, planteando un dilema entre eficiencia administrativa y riesgo de corrupción.

This research sought to analyze whether the opinion of government accountability of the municipalities of Rio de Janeiro by the Court of Accounts of the State of Rio de Janeiro (TCE-RJ), in the period from 2009 to 2015, considers the financial condi on of these municipalities. The financial condition was measured based on the methodology created by the Canadian Institute Chartered Accountants and adapted to the reality of the Brazilian institutional and regulatory environment. Factor analysis was used to select and group the determinants of municipal financial health and the logistic regression analysis to assess whether the result of the opinion of the municipal accounts by the TCE-RJ considered the municipal financial condition. The results were conclusive in relation to the analysis of the accountability of municipal government accounts considering the financial condition factor that deals with the collection, as well as the opinion of the TCE-RJ indicated that it is related to the technical analysis of external control. It was not possible to conclude whether there is political influence from the governor in issuing the prior opinion of the plenary.

In Mexico, we have become accustomed to the idea that evaluation is a stage in the public policy process (Aguilar, 1992; Pérez and Maldonado, 2020), as well as an opportunity to redesign and improve the forms of intervention of the state when there is an impetus to solve social problems such as poverty, inequality and social backwardness (Castillo Fernández and Arzate Salgado, 2016). Since Mexico is a federal republic, we propose in this chapter to carry out an evaluation analysis from a fiscal federalism approach, understood as the arrangement in the distribution of powers between a central government and subnational governments for the provision of goods and services (Musgrave, 1969).

Monitoring and evaluation practice is an imperative for a country to ensure good governance in government departments, including transparency, accountability, effectiveness and efficiency. Successful implementation of Government-Wide Monitoring and Evaluation (GWM&E) systems results in a government that is well co-ordinated, legitimate, credible, relevant and a government that seeks operational excellence . The South African government seeks to achieve greater developmental impact and one of the ways government is increasing effectiveness is by concentrating on monitoring and evaluation. Improving monitoring and evaluation leads to improvements in the quality of planning and implementation systems. The implementation of GWM&E and its strategies should be characterised by a management culture within government departments, which demands performance and utilises monitoring and evaluation (M&E) findings for planning and budgeting. Otherwise M&E systems could degenerate into superficial 'tick the checklist' exercises which comply with the GWM&E framework, but undermine its spirit. This study investigated the implementation of the GWM&E system, using the KwaZulu -Natal Department of Economic Development and Tourism (DEDT) as a case study. This study explored how the intended aims and objectives of the GWM&E have been realised at a provincial level and the understandings and processes employed in institutionalising it. The research methodology used is interpretative, using semi-structured interviews and content analysis to establish the relationship between what needs to be done according to legislation and what is done in practice. Theories of change, organisations, implementation, results-based evaluation and public policy were reviewed to examine the interrelationships between context, mechanisms and outcomes, with regards to GWM&E. The review of implementation of the GWM&E system found that public institutions craft impressive monitoring and evaluation frameworks but it will take time before these frameworks are actually fully operationalised and M&E findings are influential in shaping policy and strategy formulation in public resource allocation. Implementation of GWM&E requires clear aims and objectives of the M&E systems, coordination and integration in a decentralised system like the South African system. There v needs to be a balance between top-down guidance and bottom-up expertise. There is a need for M&E to be taken more seriously in South Africa in order for government mandates to be met and policy initiatives and programmes to be improved. AEMWG -Alberta Environmental Monitoring Working Group APP -Annual Performance Plan AU -African Union ix 2.5.2 Organisational Theory .

2010) "Hacia un modelo pedagógico de sentido en lo político para estudiantes de Contaduría Pública," Gestión y Sociedad: No. 1 , Article 12. Disponible en: This Artículo de investigación is brought to you for free and open access by Ciencia Unisalle. It has been accepted for inclusion in Gestión y Sociedad by an authorized editor of Ciencia Unisalle. For more information, please contact

Court of Justice and Human Rights) and other transitional post-conflict mechanisms. The findings suggest that there is a high level of frustration with the performance of the ICC and, specifically, the Office of the Prosecutor. The article argues that although there is no one common denominator in the failed prosecutions, the ICC's strategy has too often yielded the initiative to long-serving leaders adept at retaining power and that, while state parties see little hope of reforming the ICC and favour an 'Africanist solution to African problems', there is little agreement on what form that should take.

Budget transparency-the open disclosure of government financial informationis increasingly recognized as essential to democratic governance and legitimacy. Empirical research indicates that jurisdictions with well-implemented transparency measures often experience notable improvements in public trust. For example, studies have shown that regions with robust fiscal disclosure can see trust levels improve by 10% to 20% over multi-year periods. Cross-national surveys further suggest that nations scoring highly on open budget initiatives tend to exhibit elevated levels of citizen engagement and satisfaction with government performance. Theoretically, greater transparency helps reduce information asymmetry between public officials and citizens, thereby enhancing accountability as posited by both the principal-agent framework and broader accountability theories. However, the positive impact of budget transparency on public trust is contingent on contextual factors such as institutional capacity, media freedom, and citizen fiscal literacy. This article synthesizes theoretical frameworks, empirical findings, and policy analyses to explore how enhanced budget transparency can foster public trust, and it provides evidence-based recommendations for strengthening democratic accountability in diverse governance settings.

Little research has explored the dark side of accountability systems in terms of their negative effects on public employee well-being. This study uses Job Demand-Resource theory to provide an integrated understanding of how accountability systems reflecting the paradigms of traditional bureaucracy, new public management, and public governance impact public employees' well-being, with role clarity and job autonomy as moderating factors. Using responses from 584 public employees, we find that performance-and transparency-based accountability aggravate job stress and health, whereas ethics-based accountability does not, and that role clarity and job autonomy buffer these negative effects. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Little research has explored the dark side of accountability systems in terms of their
negative effects on public employee well-being. This study uses Job Demand-
Resource theory to provide an integrated understanding of how accountability systems
reflecting the paradigms of traditional bureaucracy, new public management,
and public governance impact public employees’ well-being, with role clarity and job
autonomy as moderating factors. Using responses from 584 public employees, we find
that performance- and transparency-based accountability aggravate job stress and
health, whereas ethics-based accountability does not, and that role clarity and job
autonomy buffer these negative effects. Implications of these findings are discussed.

There is extensive literature on accountability, yet systematic research on the state of the art in the field of public administration is lacking. This research is essential to understand the aspects of accountability that have been studied and identify the primary findings and areas that require further investigation. This study seeks to address this gap by conducting a systematic literature review of 277 articles on accountability published in 15 leading public administration journals between 1996 and 2021. This review aims to answer the following questions: What types of accountability have been examined? To what extent has accountability been investigated as a dependent or an explanatory variable? Which methodological approaches dominate, and which cases are more commonly examined? What are the current challenges and future research trends? Two dimensions to consider when examining accountability are supply-side accountability, which centers on traditional government models, and demand-side accountability, which underscores the role of citizens and multiple forums. The interaction between the supply and demand sides leads to various types of accountability, encompassing vertical, horizontal, hybrid, and social accountability. Core approaches used for measuring accountability include formal, informal, voluntary, and felt accountability.

Subjectivity has been an all-important concept for academic research, as well as used as a tool for intervening in social and political life of a people, since the 1960s and 1970s. The idea of subjectivity had a catalytic impact in changing the terms of the debate in History and Social Sciences, postcolonial theory, gender studies, cultural and media studies, social theory, and the other disciplines in the humanities. Subjectivity which relates to the quality of possessing perspectives and experiences, feelings, beliefs, desires, and power employed in the attempt at explanation for what influences, and informs people's judgment about truth or reality. In this paper, we shall attempt to examine the role of leaders of the Nigerian state in tackling the challenges/problems faced by the various sections of the Nigerian polity. These problems include, religious crisis, marginalization, resource equity, among others, and they constitute the National question. The paper concludes that the difficulty in answering the Nigerian question, to a large extent, result from the influence of subjectivity in viewing and tackling these problems by successive leaders emerging mainly from the majority tribes of the country.

Historical evidence from the developed world suggests that the expansion of the modern states' fiscal capacity (i. e. its ability to tax citizens) eventually led to more democratic and less corrupt governments. Since sub-Saharan African countries are currently in a process of state building, we study whether a positive effect of fiscal capacity on government accountability prevails in contemporaneous sub-Saharan Africa, too. We conduct the empirical analysis with data covering 23 African countries over the 1960-2008 period. The results suggest that fiscal capacity increases government accountability in sub-Saharan Africa.

The issue of “absolute immunity” of heads of states under an “international warrant of arrest” issued by the “International Criminal Court (ICC)” is a complex and contentious topic that raises important questions about the balance between sovereign immunity and accountability for international crimes. The principle of “absolute immunity” has long been recognized in international law, protecting heads of states from legal proceedings in foreign and international courts. However, the issuance of an international warrant of arrest by the International Criminal Court challenges this traditional concept of immunity. This seriously raises questions about the criminal accountability of heads of states for the international crimes they must or might have committed in their “ratione materiae” and “ratione personae” capacities. It is important to consider the implications of such warrants on the diplomatic relations between countries/states. The absolute immunity of heads of states under an international warrant of arrest issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) is a complex and controversial issue. It vehemently raises important sovereign and horizontal questions about the balance between justice and diplomacy, including jus cogens crimes and protecting international human rights.

The concept of absolute immunity for heads of states has been a long-standing tradition in public international law, but it has come under severe scrutiny in recent years. This has been due to the continuous increase in the commission of international crimes by either incumbent or former heads of states, against the international human rights of citizens.

El sistema jurídico colombiano pretende materializar los postulados constitucionales desde las Personerías municipales y distritales, dado que se encargan de promover los derechos humanos y ejercer la potestad disciplinaria. Se trata de una apuesta antiformalista, que ha llevado a exigir que el Personero municipal o distrital sea elegido a través de concurso de méritos. Así, actualmente se estructuran concursos de méritos con criterios habilitantes, eliminatorios y puntuables para nombrar en el cargo a la persona que obtenga mayor puntuación. Aunque desde una perspectiva formal parece materializarse el principio constitucional de la transparencia, esta investigación presenta como hallazgos algunos límites a esta posibilidad y corresponden a las prácticas políticas que amparadas en la autonomía pueden tomar decisiones discrecionales sin criterios claros a los que se pueda tener acceso. Así, a través de un enfoque de investigación hermenéutico crítico, basado en métodos cualitativos que privilegian la revisión documental, se formulan cuestionamientos que pueden seguir siendo abordados en investigaciones posteriores para materializar a plenitud la transparencia.

In presenting this thesis/dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis/dissertation in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis/dissertation work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis/dissertation or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis/dissertation.

Focusing on the Government of Ontario's unwillingness to call a public inquiry into the death of Dudley George, an Aboriginal protester, and the Government of Canada's willingness to interfere with an inquiry into the deployment of Canadian forces to Somalia, this article argues that governments appear increasingly reluctant to support a commission of inquiry into a public crisis even where it can serve as a catalyst for addressing larger and more pressing concerns of institutional and policy reform. It first addresses "start-up problems" associated with the fact that the decision to appoint a commission of inquiry lies within the sole discretion of cabinet. It also canvasses incentives and disincentives on political actors and the media to call for the establishment of a commission of inquiry. It then examines "shut down problems" associated with governmental efforts to prematurely end or restrict a commission's activity. Borrowing several features from the Independent Counsel and the Inspector General Models in the United States, the article proposes that the Law Commission of Canada act as a permanent base of operations for federal commissions of inquiry, and suggests that commissions of inquiry adopt nonconfrontational methods and procedures that encourage governments and other parties to sit down and engage in a constructive exercise of fact-finding, polity formulation and structural reform.

W rozdziale zostały przedstawione rozkłady i interpretacja podstawowych zmiennych społeczno-demograficznych opisujących polską elitę rządową, w skład której wchodzą: ministrowie, sekretarze i podsekretarze stanu oraz wojewodowie sprawujący funkcje w okresie III kadencji (rząd Jerzego Buzka) i pierwszej połowy IV kadencji (rząd Leszka Millera) Sejmu w oparciu o przygotowaną bazę danych biograficznych elit. Rozdział podzielony jest na trzy części. W pierwszej z nich została zaprezentowana ogólna charakterystyka badanej grupy w zakresie zajmowanych stanowisk oraz przepływów osobowych między nimi, a także czas sprawowania funkcji. Drugą część, najobszerniejszą, zajmuje opis rozkładu podstawowych zmiennych demograficznych: wiek, płeć, miejsce urodzenia (liczba mieszkańców, województwo), wykształcenie (tytuły naukowe i zawodowe, typy uczelni, dyscyplina naukowa), zawód. Część trzecia jest poświęcona doświadczeniu politycznemu elity i obejmuje wcześniejsze funkcje sprawowane w administracji rządowej oraz staż parlamentarny i samorządowy. W zakończeniu rozważam kwestię stopnia otwartości polskiej elity rządowej.

El estudio tiene como objetivo, describir la rendición de cuentas y la participación   ciudadana en el marco de la responsabilidad constitucional de la  Contraloría General de la  República de Panamá. Para ello, se parte de las variables  constitucionales y legales  que permiten conocer los criterios  jurídicos de la rendición de cuentas para establecer el modelo de rendición de cuentas de  la Entidad Superior de Fiscalización de Panamá, además, en los acuerdos internacionales de la participación ciudadana en el proceso de fiscalización de los fondos y bienes públicos.  Se reconoce, cómo la crisis sanitaria a nivel mundial coadyuvó a implementar la rendición de cuentas y la veeduría. Estas modalidades, en el proceso de   gestión gubernamental, abrieron la puerta de la cultura de corrección en el manejo de los recursos del Estado. De igual forma, se exponen las guías específicas que sirven de horizonte para la rendición de cuentas de los recursos  económicos y financieros en el COVID...

국제정치논총 제64집 4호 2024 Ⅰ. 들어가며 국제개발협력 프로그램의 효과성･효율성에 대한 논의는 1980년대 이후 다양한 측면에서 논의되고 있다. 1970년대 국제사회가 경제 위기를 겪은 뒤, 1980년대에는 '원조 피로(aid fatigue)' 현상과 같은 원조에 대한 회의론이 대두되었다. 1) 이러한 배 경은 국제개발협력에 있어 프로그램 평가의 중요성이 강조되고 평가 방식에 대한 관 심이 고조된 계기가 되었다. 평가의 필요성, 당위성에 대한 논의를 시작으로 평가를 어떻게 할 것인지, 어떤 기준을 적용할 것인지, 누구에 의해 평가가 수행되어야 하는 지 등의 쟁점 또한 주요 아젠다로 부상했다. 이에 세계은행(World Bank), OECD 개 발원조위원회(Development Assistance Committee, 이하 DAC)는 평가 방식과 기 준 수립에 적극적으로 참여했다. 국제개발협력 평가는 개발 정책과 이행에 관한 정보 제공, 교훈과 학습(lesson and learning), 책무성(accountability) 제고 등 개발협력의 효과를 높이기 위한 목 적으로 수행된다. 대표적으로 DAC 동료검토(peer review)는 개발협력 이행과 성과 에 대해 회원국별로 주기적으로 실시되며, 공여국 개발협력 성과를 6개 부문(전략 프 레임워크, 원조 규모, 접근 방식, 정책 일관성, 매니지먼트 프레임워크, 이행 등)으로 구분하여 평가한다. 2) 구체적으로 평가는 모니터링, 성과 기반 관리(Results Based 1

"Los establecimientos de educación superior, institutos profesionales y de formación técnica deberán otorgar gratuitamente los certificados de estudios, de notas, de estado de deuda u otros análogos, a solicitud del alumno, exalumno o de aquel que haya suspendido sus estudios o se encuentre moroso en la respectiva institución educacional. Dichos certificados podrán ser solicitados hasta por dos veces en un año y deberán ser emitidos dentro del plazo de diez días hábiles contado desde la presentación de la respectiva solicitud. La emisión de los mencionados certificados podrá ser realizada a través de medios electrónicos y deberá serlo en papel en los casos en que el establecimiento no cuente con medios electrónicos o así sea solicitado expresamente".

Objetivo: analisam-se, neste artigo, as características das condenações prolatadas pelos Tribunais de Contas Estaduais em relação ao provimento e cumprimento de jornada de trabalho médica no setor público municipal
brasileiro. Métodos: estudo transversal de 20 anos de história de decisões
disponíveis nos acervos digitais públicos dos Tribunais de Contas Estaduais. Resultados: multas a gestores de R$ 4.515,90 [I.C95%: 3.755,87 – 5.275,93] e ressarcimentos que representam, em média, um ano inteiro de trabalho dos profissionais médicos arrolados estiveram presentes em 67,6% das decisões. A adoção de medidas coercitivas está associada a formas de contratação irregular sem concurso público (p < 0,001), menor relação per capita de médicos (p = 0,003), menor porte populacional (p = 0,02) e distância dos centros urbanos da região sudeste do país (p < 0,0001). Analisam-se, de forma original, as características de grave problema enfrentado pela maioria dos Entes Federativos municipais, em um cenário contemporâneo de insegurança jurídica de gestores e trabalhadores da saúde, fazendo com que o tema seja objeto reiterado de discussões nos espaços interfederativos regionais da saúde no Brasil.

4.2.5 Relationship between age of the firm and number of investigative journalists29 vi 4.2.6 Relationship between ownership status and geographic coverage of media firms 30 4.3 Role played by the Kenyan Media in the fight against corruption.

When I teach the amendments to the U.S. Constitution, I have rarely counted as far as 25. But after the 2016 election, my colleagues and I at Yale Law School founded the Peter Gruber Rule of Law Clinic, a practicum devoted to upholding the rule of law and human rights in our splintered country. It soon occurred to me that I-and everyone else in America-should know far, far more than we presently do about the Twenty-fifth Amendment. 1 A Clinic student who was an expert on

This Element comprehensively scrutinizes the key issue of the accountability of policy-makers in democratic governance. The electoral punishment of the incumbents, parliamentary control of the government, and sanctions in the case of administrative misconduct or negligence are the most visible manifestations of accountability in politics. However, the phenomenon is much more complex, and fully understanding such a multifaceted object requires bridging bodies of work that usually remain disjointed. This Element assesses the effectiveness of vertical accountability through elections and how interinstitutional accountability operates in checks-and-balances systems, along with the growing role of the courts. It evaluates how the accountability of the bureaucracy has been affected by managerial reforms and different governance transformations. It also scrutinizes to what extent mediatization and policy failure boost accountability, before zooming in on the feelings and reactions of those...

This paper examines the abuse of power by governments in suppressing peaceful protests through extreme force, abductions, torture, and extrajudicial killings. Focusing on the need to protect humanity and protest dignity, the study outlines comprehensive legal, judicial, and security sector reforms aimed at preventing these violations. It proposes frameworks to strengthen legal protections, establish oversight mechanisms, and hold security forces accountable for their actions. By integrating both national and international standards, the paper advocates for the promotion of democratic governance, civil rights, and non-violent protest management to foster a more just society.

The status of independent agencies is almost certainly the most written about and litigated feature of the administrative state. Recently, the legal literature has paid sustained attention to the factors leading the formation of independent agencies. Under what circumstances are agencies more likely to have features insulating them from control by the President? In this Article, using a dataset that we constructed and that had not previously been analyzed, we seek to determine what factors make it more likely that agencies will be accorded what we call “indicia of independence.” We find that three factors in particular play a statistically significant role in making it more or less likely that Congress creates agencies with certain indicia of independence: the approval rating of the President, the size of the Senate majority, and the alignment of the political party of the Senate majority and the President. Of these three variables, two had never been tested prior to our study. In g...

This notion, reflected in a cap on the number of members from one political party on most boards and commissions, has endured. See also infra, Appendix. 1I. ld. at 60. 12. "[T]he ICC was not independent, nor had Congress intended to give it complete independence.... Congress placed the ICC under direct supervision of the secretary of the interior .. " EISNER, supra note 9, at 48.

Offices of Inspectors General (OIGs), like other government accountability mechanisms, promise increased control, improved performance, and appropriate behavior from governmental actors. OIGs do so by monitoring governmental programs and operations and providing their findings to legislative or executive decision makers and/or the public, who may act on the OIGs' findings and recommendations. OIGs have enjoyed a particular popularity in the United States in the last 40 years. In 1974, neither federal, state, nor local governments had adopted a single civilian OIG; however, at the end of 2013, there were 73 federal OIGs, 109 state OIGs, 47 local OIGs, and three multijurisdictional OIGs. Yet we know very little about why these OIGs are spreading, how they are designed, and what happens upon implementation. This dissertation advances a three-part thesis, supported by quantitative and qualitative data. First, OIGs are spreading from jurisdiction to jurisdiction because they are seen as the answer to the perceived problem of government accountability, defined very broadly. The idea of an OIG has become institutionalized, embodying the ideal of accountability. Second, although powerful political elites embrace this concept of an OIG, they push back against the potential implications of an OIG having too much independence or power by adopting design changes that sometimes leave an OIG in a weakened form. In other words, although the symbol of increased accountability is desirable, actual accountability often is suspect. Third, during implementation, those being overseen by the OIG often take steps to avoid or limit the OIG's oversight. In response, OIG personnel act in strategic ways to protect their agencies and the mission of accountability. As a result, OIGs become what I call "politicized bureaucracies," agencies that must engage in political maneuvering in order to effectively perform the duties they are assigned. I would also like to thank several people who helped shape this research in wonderful

La Jurisdicción de Cuentas es Panamá es creada a nivel de nuestra Constitución y es desarrrollada a nivel de la Ley 67 de 2007 y sus Reformas posteriores . En ese mismo sentido los Servidores públicos y agentes de manejo que cometen irregularidades durante su funciones de administradores  de fondos y bienes públicos, deben rendir cuentas y son investigados por la Fiscalía General de Cuentas y Juzgados por el Tribunal de Cuentas, con todos los principios y garantías constitucionales que establece nuestra constitución en el art 32 sobre el debido proceso y las garantías procesales para brindar los descargos contra los Reparos de la Contraloria mediante una Auditoría que con pruebas preliminares que así lo sustenten . Para entonces dar lugar a las investigaciones de quien resulten responsables de causar afectación patrimonial o daño económico ( Lesión Pateimonial al Estado) que obviamente puede previo por virtud de la Ley 67 pagar de manera íntegra el Monto objeto del reparo efectuado en la Auditoría de la Contraloria General de la Republica . Y en esos casos como el objeto es el reintegro de los bienes e intereses el Fiscal si es el caso pasa la Solicitud para el estudio del Archivo del Proceso de Cuentas . Ello per se no deja de inhabilitar al ex servidor público o empleado público de volver a ocupar un puesto público donde tenga la administración de fondos y bienes públicos por disposición del Código Fiscal .
Aporte resumen de La docente Ileana Turner . Ex Magistrada nacional del Tribunal de Cuentas de Panamá .

en el gobierno municipal de Luiza Erundina, tuvo lugar políticas públicas en el campo de la vivienda social, basadas en procesos participativos. Tales procesos eran bastante incipientes, porque el presupuesto participativo era algo nuevo. En este contexto, los movimientos populares fueron fundamentales, pues participaron en discusiones sobre el uso de la inversión participativa. Esta experiencia político-administrativa contó con la participación

O presente artigo foi desenvolvido em um órgão da Administração Pública do Estado do Ceará, no qual fora implementado um Sistema de Gestão da Qualidade sob os requisitos da Norma ISO 9001:2000. O problema de pesquisa foi verificar quais as melhorias que o mencionado sistema proporcionou aos processos internos dessa organização. O objetivo geral foi investigar os impactos resultantes de sua implantação, e os objetivos específicos foram caracterizar o Sistema de Gestão da Qualidade – SGQ com a apresentação de algumas ferramentas de apoio à gestão, mostrar a orientação da Norma ISO 9001 para inovação e melhoria do órgão em estudo e identificar as melhorias obtidas com a adoção da estratégia. A realização da revisão da literatura e de normas específicas e a conclusão dos trabalhos contribuíram para o avanço da ciência, do estudo acadêmico e para a melhoria contínua da organização em pesquisa.

This thesis is dedicated to my parents, James and Media Mutereko for their endless love and support. v TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION i ABSTRACT ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii DEDICATION iv LIST OF FIGURES xii LIST OF TABLES xiv LIST OF ACRONYMS xviii CHAPTER ONE vii 5.6 The evolution of Curriculum Assessment Policy Statements (CAPS) .

The objective of this study is to conduct empirical research on the issue of deviant behavior among public administrators. The study defines deviance as multidimensional constructs, encompassing both organizational and interpersonal deviances, and identifies four public accountability dimensionsexternal accountability, internal accountability, leadership, and personality-as contributing factors to the deviance problem. Structural equation modeling revealed all constructs to be valid and reliable, with a well-fitted model. Notably, public accountability dimensions, except for leadership, have been found to significantly influence organizational and interpersonal deviance. Decision-makers can use the findings to better understand the effects of public accountability on deviant behavior.

Nigeria is made up of over 250 ethnic nationalities and each of these groups is further divided into smaller subgroups. Mistrust, greed and envy amongst others are responsible for the aggression, hatred and bitterness that have characterized her day to day experiences. This paper is motivated by the need to interrogate the ingredients that have sustained the continued coexistence of the different ethnic nationalities in spite of her multicultural nature. Adopting the integral humanism theoretical framework, this paper identified intermarriage as a major factor that has contributed to the continued search for unification instead of separation in the face of religious and cultural differences as exemplified in Elechi Amadi's Woman of Calabar. The analytic approach and the qualitative research methodology were adopted in this paper.

Governments disclose performance information to citizens on the assumption that doing so helps improve public accountability. The previous literature implies that citizens' interpretations of such information are shaped by the information's presentation types, however, it is not known whether one-sided messages (only positive information) and two-sided messages (adding negative attributes to the one-sided messages) have different effects on citizens' perceptions regarding government information disclosure. Drawing on attribution-correspondence theory and utilizing a large-scale survey experiment conducted in Korea, this study demonstrates that two-sided performance message is more effective in improving the citizens' perceptions of governmental transparency and accountability than one-sided message.

Existing research shows that the activity of independent civil society organizations (CSOs) is an important ingredient of democratization and democratic consolidation. Yet, what happens when governments impose restrictions on CSO activity? This manuscript investigates how restrictions on CSOs affect the quality of horizontal accountability institutions like parliaments and courts. CSOs monitor and mobilize against violations of democratic norms. Thus, if governments impose restrictions on CSO activity, they may face fewer barriers (i.e., less scrutiny and criticism) to dismantling horizontal checks and balances. In addition, when restrictions prevent CSOs from supporting horizontal accountability institutions (e.g., with monitoring and expertise), the latter's ability to control and constrain governments likely declines. Our large-N crosscountry analysis supports this argument, suggesting that the imposition of restrictions on CSOs diminishes the quality of horizontal accountability institutions. We examine alternative explanations (i.e., prior autocratization trends and the authoritarian nature of governments) and offer qualitative evidence from Kenya and Turkey to illustrate the expected causal pathways. Our results imply that a crackdown on CSOs serves as a warning sign of deteriorating horizontal oversight.

This paper reviews literature on foreign policy analysis, more specifically on the Kenya's foreign policy towards the ICC. It seeks to nuance gaps in the literature and rationalize the need for placing leaders' personalities at the center of discussions on Kenya's relations with the ICC. The paper is divided into four parts. The first part focuses on leaders' belief in their ability to control events and reviews various studies on the trait. The section further exposes the need to pay attention to

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