European Constitutional Law

The impact of the religious element on European Parliament elections

Abstract: This short contribution aims to map the impact of religion on the European Parliament elections in 2024. After retracing the complex position of religion within the European Union, the article addresses the relevance of religious concerns in supranational politics against the background of the relative decline of Christian democracy, the emergence of populism, and the emergence of identitarian constitutional narratives in which religion plays a significant role. A comparative analysis of the manifestos of the main European political parties shows that religion, despite its relatively minor role, is far from being irrelevant and may be relied upon for several purposes.

Keywords: European elections, European political parties, religion, Christian democracy, identity

Il mio lavoro si concentra sul diritto pubblico comparato e sui sistemi elettorali, con particolare attenzione al voto elettronico, alla democrazia diretta e alla sicurezza dei processi elettorali. Analizzo esperienze internazionali (dagli Stati Uniti all’Europa, dalla Svizzera all’Italia) confrontando procedure, regolamenti e tecnologie per comprendere come garantire trasparenza, integrità e partecipazione democratica.

The research work carried out by Dr. Liñán Nogueras has opened a path of reflection on the nature of consensus in international relations that is very appropriate in the current conflict between Ukraine and the Russian Federation in the search for models of dispute settlement. However, in order to do so, it is necessary to reflect on the scope of consensus and analyse its conceptual connotations in order to interpret both its potential and its limitations.

The research work carried out by Dr. Liñán Nogueras has opened a path of reflection on the nature of consensus in international relations that is very appropriate in the current conflict between Ukraine and the Russian Federation in the search for models of dispute settlement. However, in order to do so, it is necessary to reflect on the scope of consensus and analyse its conceptual connotations in order to interpret both its potential and its limitations.

L’introduzione del comma 7 all’art. 33 Cost. conferisce allo sport rilievo costituzionale, riconoscendolo come diritto autonomo e non più mero strumento accessorio. Lo sport viene valorizzato quale fattore di integrazione sociale, culturale e spirituale, con un'accentuata dimensione antropocentrica. Si afferma una lettura che ne evidenzia il valore intrinseco e la funzione di inclusione e sviluppo psico-fisico della persona. L’accesso all’attività sportiva assume così la natura di pretesa giuridica nei confronti della Repubblica, in linea con esperienze costituzionali europee e indirizzi sovranazionali, soprattutto a tutela dei minori.

През последните години в България се разви тревожна практика на масово отнемане на моторни превозни средства въз основа на чл. 343, ал. 5 и чл. 343б, ал. 5 от Наказателния кодекс (НК). Тези разпоредби предвиждат конфискация на автомобили, използвани при определени пътнотранспортни нарушения, включително шофиране след употреба на алкохол или наркотични вещества.

Equality and non-discrimination are two of the most important foundational values of the European Union. But a rapidly evolving society means that their practical application has to be constantly under review to assess if their content and objectives are being fulfilled. When it comes to the rights of the LGBTIQ community – here in particular of trans when compared with cis women – there is still a long way to go to effectively safeguard them, while reasonably protecting all involved. Terminological confusion around the concepts of “sex” and “gender” has served to justify the curtailment of the fight for equality and non-discrimination, and relegate trans women to a position of second-class citizens. The EU needs to review its approach to this particular issue and enshrine into law the concepts of “sex” and “gender” as a way to continue to push forward in its fight for LGBTIQ rights, doing justice to its moniker of “rainbow Europe”.

Title (EN)
The Prospects of Internet Voting: Plausible Technological Alternatives, Desirable Solutions, and Issues to be Addressed

Abstract (IT)
Il saggio analizza le prospettive di introduzione del voto elettronico e, in particolare, dell’internet voting nel contesto delle democrazie contemporanee, soffermandosi sui profili giuridici, politici e tecnologici. Dopo aver richiamato il quadro normativo in evoluzione che giustifica lo studio di possibili modelli alternativi di esercizio del voto, l’indagine distingue tra soluzioni tecnologiche con e senza l’utilizzo di internet, con un focus specifico sul rapporto tra voto elettronico e internet voting. Viene richiamata l’esperienza tedesca delle elezioni del XVI Bundestag e la recente sperimentazione italiana del dicembre 2023. Infine, si affrontano alcune diffuse obiezioni – sacralità dell’urna, infallibilità della procedura, fiducia degli elettori e “politica del click” – sostenendo che tali criticità meritino un esame accurato ma non debbano impedire un dibattito ragionato sull’innovazione dei processi elettorali.

Abstract (EN)
The article explores the prospects of introducing electronic voting, with particular attention to internet voting, within contemporary democracies by analyzing its legal, political, and technological dimensions. After presenting the evolving legal framework that justifies a study of possible alternatives to the current voting model, the analysis distinguishes between technological solutions with and without internet use, focusing specifically on the relationship between electronic voting and internet voting. It highlights the German experience in the elections of the sixteenth Bundestag and the recent Italian experiment of December 2023. Finally, it addresses widespread objections—such as the sacrality of the ballot, the presumed infallibility of voting procedures, voter trust, and the so-called “politics of the click”—arguing that while these concerns deserve careful scrutiny, they should not prevent a reasoned debate on innovation in electoral processes.

Summary (IT)

Il contesto giuridico in continua trasformazione: perché studiare il superamento dell’attuale modello di esercizio del voto – 2. Quali alternative? – 3. Una scelta di campo: alternative tecnologiche con o senza l’utilizzo di Internet – 4. Voto elettronico e internet voting: un rapporto genus ad speciem – 5. Un focus sulle voting machine: l’esperienza tedesca di elezione del XVI Bundestag – 6. La sperimentazione del voto elettronico in Italia: lo scenario della simulazione del 13 e 14 dicembre 2023 – 7. Andare oltre lo scetticismo: obiezioni sulla sacralità dell’urna, sull’infallibilità della procedura, sulla fiducia degli elettori e sulla politica “del click”.

Summary (EN)

The evolving legal context: why studying alternatives to the current voting model is necessary – 2. Possible alternatives – 3. A choice between technological models with or without internet – 4. Electronic voting and internet voting: genus and species – 5. A focus on voting machines: the German experience in the XVI Bundestag elections – 6. The Italian experiment: the December 2023 electronic voting simulation – 7. Beyond skepticism: objections concerning the sacrality of the ballot, procedural infallibility, voter trust, and the “politics of the click”.

Il volume riunisce i saggi presentati a Pisa nel corso di due cicli seminariali incentrati sul ruolo dei giudici nell'ordinamento multilivello, nell'ambito del progetto STALS (Sant'Anna Legal Studies, www.stals.sssup.it). Apre il libro un lungo contributo introduttivo di Ernst Ulrich Petersmann (European University Institute), tra i massimi esperti sul tema, mentre il capitolo conclusivo, che propone una riflessione di taglio filosofico sulla funzione del rule of law nell'evanescente sistema policentrico del diritto internazionale, è affidato a Gianluigi

While in some countries judicial associations have long been objects of scholarly interest, the burgeoning debate over judicial independence in Europe and the growing interconnection between associations of different states have broadened the discussion beyond strictly domestic borders. The adoption of a specific opinion on judicial associations by the Consultative Council of European Judges on November 6, 2020 (No. 23/2020) is further evidence of the increasing transnational attention to the topic. To draft such an Opinion, questionnaires were submitted to Council of Europe (CoE) Member States. By analysing and classifying the replies of the CoE Member States, we first intend to offer a comprehensive assessment of the European experiences to highlight convergences and divergences. Secondly, we aim to juxtapose the representation of judicial associations as it emerges from the replies with the one debated in legal scholarship. To this end, we will try to understand the role of judicial associations in promoting and upholding judicial independence, with particular emphasis on the Italian Case.

Homelessness as a violation of human rights – Criminalisation of homelessness – Insufficient international and European protection of the rights of homeless persons – American charters of the rights of homeless persons as a source of inspiration – Model European Homeless Bill of Rights – FEANTSA – Human rights instrument – Positive and negative rights of the homeless person – Right to exit homelessness – Right to carry out practices necessary to survival within the law – Adoption and implementation of the Charter by Human Rights Cities in Spain, Slovenia and Poland – Soft law – Perspectives for the protection of the rights of homeless persons

VERY IMPORTANT
This book is a heartfelt tribute to my great friends, professors, and lifelong mentors: Frank Michelman, Martha Minow, Condoleezza Rice, Gerhard Casper, Martin Chalfie, Rabbi Daniel Chapán, Phillip Allott, Robert C. Clark, Richard A. Epstein, Guido Calabresi, Thomas Sargent, Lawrence Lau, Thomas C. Südhof, Harold E. Varmus, Edvard Moser, Ariel Furstenberg, Carlos Zambrano Encalada, Santos Vera Sandoval, Román Faustino Fernández Adriano, Federico Fernández Adriano, Robert Langer, Enrique Verástegui Peláez, Joachim Frank, Luis Amparo Grimaldo Zapata, Óscar Santamaría Barreto, and Víctor Raúl Yactayo Castillo; as well as Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Sonia Winer, Gabriela Cauduro, Roger Petersen, Janet Yellen, Ricardo Gelpi, Alberto Barbieri, Dennis Thompson, Sally Kornbluth, Ítala Andrea Preguntegui Garrafa, Magda Portal, Dalia Elizabeth Zurita Espinoza, Jhanela Brigitte Aguirre Obando, Josefina Miró Quesada Gayoso, Daniel Elía, Miguel Aguilar, Teresa Zamudio Ojeda, Richard Lovera Herrera, Martín Isla, César Chambergo Rojas, Jesús Rojas, Ángel Atuncar Gutiérrez, Leandro Vergara, Ana Arias, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, César Hildebrandt, José Carlos Mariátegui La Chira, Marco Aurelio Denegri Santagadea, Luis Alberto Félix Sánchez Sánchez, Bernardo Houssay, César Milstein, Luis Federico Leloir, Tomás Várnagy, Juliana Oxenford, and Francisco Miró Quesada Cantuarias.
It also pays homage to the brilliant and inspiring educators of youth and to the distinguished legal scholars Miguel Ángel Ciuro Caldani and Martha Minow.
Above all, it is dedicated to Jesus Christ and Almighty God, Hashem, to whom I will always give thanks for His blessings and protection in difficult times.
Shalom!
Respectfully,
Luis David Fernández Zambrano
חשוב מאוד
ספר זה הוא מחווה כנה לחבריי הגדולים, לפרופסורים שלי ולמורים שליוו אותי לאורך כל חיי: פרנק מישלמן, מרתה מינוב, קונדוליסה רייס, גֵרהרד קספר, מרטין חלפי, הרב דניאל צ’אפאן, פיליפ אלוט, רוברט סי. קלארק, ריצ’רד א. אפשטיין, גוידו קלאברֵזי, תומס סרג’נט, לורנס לאו, תומס ס. זודהוף, הרולד א. ורמוס, אדוורד מוסר, אריאל פורסְטנברג, קרלוס סמברנו אנקלאדה, סנטוס ורה סנדובאל, רומאן פַאוּסטינו פרננדס אדריאנו, פדריקו פרננדס אדריאנו, רוברט לנגר, אנריקה ורַסטֶגי פלאֶס, יואכים פרנק, לואיס אמפרו גרימלדו סאפאטה, אוסקר סנטמריה בארֶטו, ויקטור ראול יַקטָיו קסטיו; וכן אדולפו פרס אסקיבֵל, סוניה וינר, גבריאלה קאודורו, רוג’ר פטרסן, ג’נט ילן, ריקרדו חלפי, אלברטו ברבירי, דניס תומפסון, סאלי קורנבלות, איטלה אנדראה פרגונטֵגי גאראפה, מַגדָה פורטאל, דליה אליזבת סוריטה אספינוסה, ח’אנלה בריג’יט אגירה אובנדו, חוספינה מירו קסאדה גאיוסו, דניאל אליה, מיגל אגילר, תרזה זמודיו אוחדה, ריצ’רד לובֵרה הֵרה, מרטין איסלה, ססאר צ’אמברגו רוחאס, חסוס רוחאס, אנחל אטונקר גוטיירס, לאנדרו ורגרה, אנה אריאס, ויקטור ראול האיה דה לה טורה, ססאר הילדברנדט, חוסה קרלוס מאריאטגי לה צ’ירה, מרקו אורליו דנגרי סנטאגאדאה, לואיס אלברטו פליקס סאנצ’ס סאנצ’ס, ברנארדו הוסאי, ססאר מילשטיין, לואיס פדריקו ללואר, תומס וארנאגי, חוליאנה אוקסנפורד ופרנסיסקו מירו קסאדה קנטואריאס.
הספר גם חולק כבוד למחנכים המבריקים והמַעוררי השראה של הנוער, ולמשפטנים הדגולים מיגל אנחל סיורו קלדאני ומרתה מינוב.
ומעל לכל, הספר מוקדש לישוע המשיח ולאלוהים הכל-יכול, השם יתברך, אשר אליו אודה תמיד על ברכותיו והגנתו בזמנים קשים.
שלום!
בכבוד רב,
לואיס דויד פרננדס סמברנו

Il presente contributo analizza alcuni degli effetti – tanto giuridici
quanto pratici – prodotti dall’azione esterna negli ordinamenti dei paesi
terzi attraverso i vari metodi adoperati dall’Unione nella cooperazione in-
ternazionale. Gli strumenti politici e finanziari e i meccanismi di condizio-
nalità sono, infatti, funzionali al raggiungimento di obiettivi di natura giu-
ridica nei paesi terzi, in particolare al rafforzamento dei controlli alle fron-
tiere da parte degli stessi. L’Unione dota questi ultimi dei mezzi per svi-
luppare o riformare il loro diritto interno, nonché per applicarlo compati-
bilmente con gli interessi dell’Unione. La nozione di influenza giuridica
dell’Unione negli ordinamenti dei paesi terzi ben coglie gli effetti derivanti
dalla combinazione di strumenti apparentemente non giuridici – come le
pressioni diplomatiche e gli accordi non vincolanti – con l’erogazione dei
finanziamenti esterni che spesso accompagnano gli impegni politici profusi
in tali strumenti.

SOMMARIO: 1. La Corte costituzionale giudice “di sistema” della conformità al diritto UE? Una nuova rotta con poche coordinate. – 2. L’enfasi sul tono costituzionale e la prospettiva del sindacato di costituzionalità come equivalente funzionale della disapplicazione. – 3. Dal tono costituzionale al surplus di garanzia (ovvero: quando la disapplicazione non basta). – 4. Regola o eccezione? Rivalutare la specificità del contributo della Corte costituzionale nei casi di contrasto col diritto UE.

Sommario: 1. Introduzione -2. Genesi e ratio del consenso informato -3. Il consenso informato in ambito scolastico -4. Conclusioni. Il mondo contemporaneo risente di tensioni e distorsioni culturali che sempre più gravemente inPuiscono sull'essere umano, specialmente nelle sue fasi di maggiore fragilità e vulnerabilità come il periodo degli anni di istruzione ed educazione che Tn dalla più giovane età esigono invece razionalità, responsabilità e autenticità intellettuale, spirituale e umana.

The instance which solved the fund of the litigation rising from an administrative contract differs depending on the material competence sanctioned by law, in contrast to the subject of the commercial law where the execution instance is the court. In this matter the High Court stated in a decision1 that in a first case the competence of solving the legal contest against the proper forced execution and of the legal contest that has in view the explanation of the meaning of spreading and applying the enforceable title which does not proceed from a jurisdiction organ is in the authority of the court. The Law of the Administrative Contentious no 554/2004 defines in Article 2 paragraph 1 letter t) the notion of execution instance, providing that this is the instance which solved the fund of the litigation of administrative contentious, so even in the case of the administrative contracts the execution instance is the one which solved the litigation rising from the contract. Corroborating ...

The aim of this paper is to present a cross-sectional analysis of the Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) of the European Central Bank. In this regard, after having deepened the technical features of this mechanism, we carry out an assessment of the economic reasons behind the launch of the TPI and, then, we study the legal issues that emerge from this tool. In particular, we propose a comparison with the ruling of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) about the Outright Monetary Transactions (OMTs) in order to evaluate the compliance of this new instrument with the provisions of the European Treaties. Titolo: Un'analisi trasversale dello Strumento di protezione della trasmissione: tra esigenze economiche e trattati obsoleti Abstract [It]: La finalità del presente scritto è quella di offrire un'analisi trasversale del Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) della Banca Centrale Europea. In tal senso, nell'articolo de quo, dopo aver approfondito le caratteristiche di questo nuovo strumento, si propone una riflessione relativa alle esigenze economiche che hanno portato alla creazione del TPI, per poi focalizzare l'attenzione sulle questioni giuridiche derivanti dalla nascita di questo nuovo meccanismo. A tal proposito, in particolare, si avanza un parallelo con la sentenza della Corte di Giustizia dell'Unione Europea in merito alle Outright Monetary Transactions (OMTs) al fine di valutare la legittimità del suddetto strumento rispetto a quanto previsto dai Trattati euro-unitari.

Steps taken by the European Union (EU) towards putting an end to intra-EU investment arbitration have attracted much criticism, which ranges from accusations of legal imperialism to observations that the notion of autonomy of the EU's legal order, which is the primary tool weaponised against intra-EU arbitration, is politically malleable. Nevertheless, those supporting the EU's position argue that in a legal community like the EU, it is expected to litigate against state authorities before national courts. This article informs the debate from a rule of law lens-it contends that the concerns for the EU's legal order with respect to intra-EU investment arbitration resonate dual standards and undermine article 2 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). First, it analyses the inconsistencies of the European Commission's position considering its failure to protect judicial independence in the EU. Then, it explains why the politicisation of the principle of the autonomy of the EU's legal order in the Court of Justice of the European Union's case law, which reflects the court's commitment to self-increasing its jurisdiction and to prioritising procedure over substantive human rights, leads to tension with article 2 TEU. After shedding light on concrete cases illustrating why the EU's stance on intra-EU investment arbitration hampers investors' rights, it contemplates what solutions could be envisaged to ensure more adequate investor protection in the EU.

In June 2025, the Desnyanskyy local district court in Kyiv ('the Court') decided to recognise the fact of cohabitation as one family (de facto marital relationship) between two Ukrainian men. It stated that same-sex couples have legally recognised rights as family members living together and have de facto marriage relations, despite the fact that same-sex marriages are banned in Ukraine, because Article 51 of the Ukrainian Constitution only allows marriage between a man and a woman.

The article provides an overview of the jurisprudence of the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) in the last ten years after the seminal “twin cases” no. 348 and no. 349 of 2007 on the supra-legislative status of the ECHR. The alternative posed by the ICC in those cases between consistent interpretation of the legislative provision in the light of the relevant ECHR articles and the referral of a constitutional question in order to have the legislative provision quashed by the ICC has been put under strain for several reasons. The article focuses on the apparent technicality of consistent interpretation as a device for eluding value conflicts between national Constitution and the ECHR: on the one hand, it is not possible to overtly interpret constitutional provisions consistently with the ECHR for reasons others than the lower status of the latter; on the other hand, it is no more possible to overtly interpret Convention provisions consistently with the Italian Constitution, at the co...

This paper studies the way constitutionalism helps control government authority in both the United States and Hungary. Mainly, the rules of separation of powers and judicial review set by the constitution in the United States have effectively controlled how much authority the government may hold. Contrary to this, Hungary has witnessed its constitutional checks being reduced so that the government can seize more power. The study compares two governance models to point out the strong and weak points of constitutionalism in action. In the last portion, the writer looks into Afghanistan’s recent political events to judge if the idea of a limited government and constitutionalism were realistic. It investigates the principal issues, including unstable institutions, not enough commitment from leaders, and pressure from outside, and thinks about what supported a strong constitution in Afghanistan.

Il volume che avete in mano vuole introdurre chi legge alla esplorazione di uno dei fenomeni più controversi e dibattuti del XXI secolo: quello della crisi della democrazia costituzionale, testimoniata dal suo arretramento globale. Nel 2023, secondo V-Dem 1 -uno dei principali istituti di ricerca che si occupano di misurare la democrazia e i diritti umani -il livello di democrazia di cui gode la persona media nel mondo è sceso ai livelli del 1985. Se si considerano le medie dei singoli Stati, siamo ai livelli del 1998. Dal 2009 -per quasi 15 anni consecutivi -la percentuale della popolazione mondiale che vive in paesi che attraversano processi di involuzione autoritaria supera la percentuale che vive ini paesi in via di democratizzazione. Oggi il mondo è diviso quasi equamente tra 91 democrazie e 88 autocrazie. Il 71% della popolazione mondiale -5,7 miliardi di persone -vive in paesi sorretti da autocrazie. Soltanto il 29% della popolazione mondiale, 2,3 miliardi di persone, vive in Stati che possono essere ricondotti alla riconosciuta e affermata categoria delle democrazie liberali. I processi in atto, che vengono designati con molteplici nomi (in inglese, ad esempio, democratic retrogression, democratic decay, democratic erosion, democratic backsliding) hanno attirato l'attenzione, e le preoccupazioni, degli studiosi di molte discipline, tra essi i costituzionalisti, soprattutto comparatisti. Si tratta infatti di fenomeni che soltanto raramente si manifestano attraverso la tecnica che in passato costituiva la via maestra per l'instaurazione di regimi autoritari, ovvero quella dei colpi di stato. Il più delle volte, si assiste a un progressivo scivolamento verso regimi non democratici, attraverso una sequenza di mutamenti istituzionali che, presi uno 1 "Democracy Report 2024".

In this study, we aim to analyze the main characteristics of the proportionality test reflected through the jurisprudence of the constitutional courts in Romania and France. The identification of these elements aims at establishing three coordinates: the common elements of the evolution of the proportionality test, the way of systematization of the current constitutionality control over proportionality and the evolutional perspectives in the proportionality test. The determination of jurisprudential variations has the role of marking the common points, the divergent ones, and the aspects of complementarity from the constitutional perspective, respectively. We also consider specific issues regarding the jurisprudence of the European courts, as well as how it interferes with the proportionality tests of the two constitutional courts. Also, the option for the two institutions is justified by the fact that they have common elements and a tangential evolution, aspects that can be captured more clearly from the analysis of the principle of proportionality, given that it is a generally accepted concept, but nuanced in practical terms.

This article offers a critical analysis of the potential impact of artificial intelligence (AI) on the Italian legislative process, with the aim of evaluating its capacity to revitalise the legislative function of Parliament. The inquiry unfolds along three key dimensions through which AI technologies may affect the constitutional architecture of legislative decision-making: (i) the organisation and systematisation of informational flows essential to law-making; (ii) assistance in the drafting of legislative proposals; and (iii) the facilitation of civic engagement within the legislative process. The article contends that, if purged of its most critical shortcomings, structurally embedded within parliamentary administration, and employed as an auxiliary mechanism respectful of the prerogatives of elected representatives, AI may contribute to strengthening the constitutional role of Parliament in the legislative cycle. In doing so, it could serve – albeit partially – as a corrective to the progressive marginalisation of Parliament vis-à-vis the growing prominence of the executive.

Moving from the monograph of Silvia Niccolai on the tradition of the regulae iuris (legal maxims), the author investigates the establishment of principles of law as a legal category in 1920s Italy and the contribution of Giambattista Vico to the relationships between law and politics. With regard to both aspects, an emphasis is made as to the different ways to conceive of law as a form of knowledge which is able to connect the individual judgment on justice and fairness with requirements and demands of civil goverment.

In this comparative analysis, Mr. Holloway suggests that before advocating the further constitutionalization of labor law as a means of improving the legal protection offered to working people, American jurists and lawmakers should examine other countries' experiences. He argues that the examples provided by England and Germany, as well as America's own experience as exemplified by Lochner and the Court-packing crisis of the New Deal era, indicate that those who advocate importing constitutional values into the employment relationship must proceed with caution. He concludes that while those who support the application of "constitutional values" to employment disputes may be well-intentioned, the political and social culture of the United States is such that the political process, rather than the judicial system, is a more appropriate vehicle for change in the area of employment rights protection.

In the paper, the author illustrates the reason why the centre-right government majority is unfavourably opposed to Itali's ratification of the reform of the European Stability Mechanism. Furthermore, the history of the Mechanism is outlined and what the proposed reform of the same envisages, carrying out a critique of the reform itself, but the author believes that an open discussion is necessary on what the Mechanism represents of the future of Europe

Last October, 106 female-footballers, members of 24 different National Football Federations, addressed a letter of protest to the President of FIFA against a spon-sorship agreement stipulated by the International Federation. The agreement is with one of the most powerful Saudi (and world) oil companies for the duration of the three-year period 2024/2027, in which the 2026 editions of the Men's World Cup and the 2027 edition of the Women's World Cup are considered the main ob-ject of sponsorship.

The contract, which has considerable economic importance for the Federation and, at the same time, considerable media and promotional importance for the sponsor (and therefore for the Saudi regime which has very close ties with the oil company), is branded as another example of Sportswashing, that is the instrumen-tal use of major sporting events and the social and ethical values of sport to cover up situations of abuse and systematic denial of the human rights of women, of the weakest categories and of the LGBTQ+ communities.

Starting from the protest of the female soccer players, the essay aims to analyse the characteristics of “sportswashing”, first used in 2015, comparing it with the propagandistic use of sporting activities and events that characterized an histori-cal phase in the first half of the 20th century. It proposes to highlight the different characteristics based on the transmission of the political and racial ideology of supremacy, in the oldest cases, and, in the most recent cases, on the laws of the market and on economic supremacy used to hide situations that are in open con-trast with respect of the most basic human rights.

Alongside the main topic of investigation, a further profile of reflection emerges: whether it is possible to propose a reinterpretation of the principle of neutrality of sport, which has declined in relation to the political choices of States. The new interpretation, according to a reading key that is more related to social complexity and to the protection of individual fundamental rights of all people, must be ad-dressed to the complete realization of the principle of inclusion and contrast to any abuse or discrimination and to affirm the actual existence of the right to sport.

Artykuł dotyczy wartości, jakie powinny być uwzględniane zarówno w procesie tworzenia prawa, jak i stosowania prawa podatkowego. Kluczowym dla rozważań w tym zakresie jest zarówno Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2.04.1997 r. 1 – dalej Konstytucja – jak i prawo unijne, a wartościami stanowiącymi punkt odniesienia dla działania każdego prawnika w obszarze podatków powinny być w pierwszej kolejności wartości uniwersalne, jakimi są prawda, dobro, piękno i sprawiedliwość.
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The article addresses the values that should be taken into account both in the process of creation and application of tax law. Central to the discussion in this field are the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997 (hereinafter referred to as the Constitution) as well as EU law. The values that serve as a point of reference for the actions of any legal professional working in the field of taxation should predominantly be the universal values of truth, goodness, beauty, and justice.

The federal shutdown in the United States: exception or rule of a polarized democracy?-In the United States, government shutdowns have been occurring with increasing frequency, leading to the halt of the federal administration. This happens when Congress can't reach an agreement and doesn't approve the budget by the start of the fiscal year. The consequences are paralysis, a total stop to all forms of discretionary spending, forced leave for hundreds of thousands of federal employees, and the closure of public offices. The essay links the frequency of these crises in President-Congress cooperation to political instability and the crisis of American constitutionalism. The budget process demonstrates the fallibility even of strong forms of government.

Constitutional Decline and Totalitarian Practices in Bulgaria: Illegal Confiscation of Property and Violation of the Rule of Law
Historical Parallels: From 1944 to 2025

Bulgaria – the First "Totalitarian Regime" in the EU

Introduction
In recent years, the Republic of Bulgaria has been experiencing a deep legal and institutional crisis that calls into question not only the rule of law but also the very foundations of democratic governance.
The actions of the executive and judicial branches, including the Constitutional Court (CC), point to a systemic violation of fundamental constitutional principles and European standards.
One of the most alarming manifestations of this constitutional decline is the practice of confiscating motor vehicles and property during routine police checks—a blatant violation of the presumption of innocence.
Instead of protecting citizens, the Bulgarian Constitutional Court refused to halt this state-sanctioned theft, thereby effectively legitimizing a repressive, totalitarian mechanism.

България-първият "тоталитарен режим" в ЕС. Въведение През последните години Република България се намира в дълбока правна и институционална криза, която поставя под съмнение не само върховенството на правото, но и самите устои на демократичната държава. Действията на изпълнителната и съдебната власт, включително на Конституционния съд (КС), сочат към системно погазване на основни конституционни принципи и европейски стандарти. Една от най-притеснителните прояви на този конституционен упадък е практиката за конфискация на моторни превозни средства и имущество при рутинни проверки от органите на МВР е явно нарушение на презумпцията за невиновност. Вместо да защитава гражданите, Конституционният съд на България отказа да спре тази държавна кражба, като по този начин фактически легитимира един репресивен, тоталитарен механизъм.

Η πρόσφατη απόφαση των αιγυπτιακών αρχών να αναστείλουν, αρχικώς για διοικητικούς λόγους και εν συνεχεία με δικαστική απόφαση, τη λειτουργία της Ιεράς Μονής Αγίας Αικατερίνης του Όρους Σινά, χωρίς προηγούμενη διαβούλευση ή σαφή αιτιολόγηση, εγείρει θεμελιώδη ζητήματα νομικής και πολιτικής φύσεως. Ζητήματα που σχετίζονται με την έννοια και τα όρια της κρατικής κυριαρχίας, τη διεθνή προστασία της πολιτιστικής και θρησκευτικής κληρονομιάς, καθώς και τη φύση της Μονής ως sui generis νομικής οντότητας, με ειδικό διεθνές κανονιστικό καθεστώς.

Constitutional patriotism is a term introduced but not developed by Jurgen Habermas. Muller’s approach to Constitutional Patriotism has brought more substance into it. This thesis is a journey through Habermasian scholarship, primarily, for finding pieces of constitutional patriotism. The scope of this is not limited to jurisprudence or sociology alone but it is interdisciplinary in nature. Constitutional patriotism was an idea put forward by Jurgen Habermas in the aftermath of the Second World War. I have a reconstructive approach to the emergence of CP in the first few chapters of my thesis. I lay down the intellectual and political context which gave rise to it. I will maintain that it is not only the immediacy of the German political context which gave rise to the emergence of the term Constitutional Patriotism. Constitutional Patriotism also stands on different aspects of his political philosophy. Philosophical and sociological aspects of Habermas`s work have different dimensio...

The paper assesses whether the von der Leyen Commission could give a realistic picture of the state of the rule of law in its first ever Rule of Law report of September 2020. On the plus side, the Commission starts with a clear definition of the rule of law, dispelling any fabricated arguments about the vagueness or even uselessness of the concept. The Commission promises to make the reporting exercise a regular one, treating Member States on an equal basis. The broad selection of relevant subject matters covered allows the reader to gain an overview of where Europe stands with regard to the rule of law. On the minus side the Commission aims at preventing violations and to provide a platform for dialogue -concepts incomprehensible and irrelevant in countries where state capture already happened. The report at times tries to give a qualitative analysis, but when it comes to systemic breaches, it fails to give the necessary context, and to connect the dots. But since all the national reports have enumerations of negative and positive developments, just by reading the Annual Reports one does not grasp how hybrid authoritarian regimes are qualitatively different from resilient democracies. On the side of authoritarian regimes, this approach also fuels whataboutery. Finally, the success of any monitoring exercise will depend on whether the response prong of the EU's rule of law enforcement mechanism manages to attach dissuasive and efficient consequences in due time to values' violations.

On 17 February 2020, the Oberlandesgericht Karlsruhe passed a decision in a surrender case that we expect to shape the future of the LM-test (Ausl 301 AR 15/19; for a first analysis, see here). Its decision can be seen not only as a result of Luxembourg's unworkable LM test but also as an acknowledgement of the effect of Poland's muzzle law on the independence of its judiciary. Shortly after, Rechtbank Amsterdam engaged with this decision, thus making it more likely that the CJEU will have to move forward and develop its test into a more meaningful one.

This article discusses the relationship between judicial independence and intra-European Union (EU) cooperation in criminal matters based on the principle of mutual recognition. It focuses on the recent judgment by the Court of Justice of the EU in Case C-216/18 PPU Minister for Justice and Equality v. LM. In our view, a lack of judicial independence needs to be addressed primarily as a rule of law problem. This implies that executing judicial authorities should freeze judicial cooperation in the event should doubts arise as to respect for the rule of law in the issuing Member State. Such a measure should stay in place until the matter is resolved in accordance with the procedure provided for in Article 7 TEU or a permanent mechanism for monitoring and addressing Member State compliance with democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights. The Court, however, constructed the case as a possible violation of the right to a fair trial, the essence of which includes the requirement that tribunals are independent and impartial. This latter aspect could be seen as a positive step forward in the sense that the judicial test developed in the Aranyosi case now includes rule of law considerations with regard to judicial independence. However, the practical hurdles imposed by the Court on the defence in terms of proving such violations and on judicial authorities to accept them in individual cases might amount to two steps back in upholding the rule of law within the EU.

On 15 April 2021, AG Pikamäe delivered his opinion in the IS case, originating from a Hungarian criminal proceeding against a Swedish national. The national judge referred three questions for preliminary reference to the CJEU, one regarding the suspect's right to translation and two regarding the general status of judicial independence in Hungary. As a reaction, the Hungarian Prosecutor General initiated a so-called "appeal in the interests of the law" and the Hungarian Supreme Court held the reference to be unlawful. As a direct consequence of the declaration of illegality, disciplinary proceedings were started against the judge. These latter procedures were addressed in additional questions to the CJEU. In his opinion, AG Pikamäe argued that the initial questions to the CJEU regarding judicial independence were irrelevant for the case, but the additional questions raised could be admissible. He underlined the importance of a free dialogue between independent national courts for EU law. But the opinion also shows that the preliminary ruling mechanism cannot remedy the Commission's inaction to address systemic problems through its rule of law tools, such as Article 7 TEU or infringement procedures.

O presente artigo busca evidenciar o processo estrutural como um instituto essencial no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, sugerindo a superação do entendimento sobre o artigo 2º da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988. Isso se deve ao fato de que os três poderes do Estado -Legislativo, Executivo e Judiciário -na prática política, interagem de forma interdependente e frequentemente conflituosa, em contraste com a independência e harmonia previstas constitucionalmente. Diante desse cenário, o estudo examina o papel do processo estrutural como mecanismo transformador do sistema jurídico-políticoadministrativo brasileiro, funcionando como um catalisador de mudanças estruturais latentes em tal sistema. Para alcançar esta premissa, a pesquisa adota uma abordagem qualitativa, com revisão de doutrina e de diploma legislativo, explorando a separação de poderes e seus paradigmas contemporâneos. Ao final, o estudo sugere-se que o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro demanda novas perspectivas para assegurar um equilíbrio institucional efetivo, capaz de viabilizar uma governança mais eficiente e coerente com a realidade política do país. Palavras-chave: Separação de poderes, Sistema de freios e contrapesos, Processo estrutural, Mutação constitucional, Políticas públicas This article aims to highlight structural litigation as an essential institution within the Brazilian legal system, suggesting the need to overcome the prevailing interpretation of Article 2 of the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil. This is due to the fact that the three branches of government-Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary-interact in an interdependent and often conflicting manner in political practice, in contrast to the 1 2 3 278 independence and harmony constitutionally established. Given this scenario, the study examines the role of structural litigation as a transformative mechanism within the Brazilian legal-political-administrative system, acting as a catalyst for latent structural changes. To achieve this premise, the research adopts a qualitative approach, including a review of legal doctrine and legislative frameworks, exploring the separation of powers and its contemporary paradigms. Ultimately, the study suggests that the Brazilian legal system requires new perspectives to ensure effective institutional balance, enabling more efficient governance aligned with the country's political reality.

The European Union, as any other organisation, has been evolving. It is a natural need of necessary adjustment of a given organisation to current challenges which are never constant. However, in the case of the European Union, this evolution has been intensifying for some time and, moreover, it has been more frequently observed in practice, while treaties have remained relatively stable (the last interference in the primary law was, in fact, in 2009, in the Treaty of Lisbon). In effect, it is not an overstatement to say that the European Union, despite its strong, since treaty-based, framework for operations, is, in a way, an underspecified, in status nascendi, structure. The procedural essence of the Union consists in the pending process of 'becoming', which means that in terms of epistemology the Union has not yet been described fully, and the definition and explanation of Union decision making processes fall behind the process of changes happening in the EU. The latter always precede legal regulations, which-as experience suggests-register changes that have occurred in the practice of Union institutions' operations with a significant delay. In fact, a lot of Union functioning mechanisms are first established in practice and then 'inserted' in treaty regulations, taking on the form of binding de lege lata solutions. Therefore, it can be safely said that while analysing the phenomenon of the European Union,

THE HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE OF THE SURRENDER OF LEGAL positivism to the prevalence of injustice under the nazi regime and the concern to create a real federation led the founding fathers of the Federal Republic of Germany to create the most powerful Constitutional Court in the world for the control of the formal and material constitutionality of laws.This Court, a supreme constitutional organ like the Bundestag and the Bundesrat, is organized in two chambers, called Senates. The First Senate has jurisdiction over basic rights, the Second Senate decides all questions of political disputes. Though the Court only acts on request, it does nevertheless play an active role in shaping politics and policy output. The jurisdiction of this Court is the ‘authentic interpretation of the Constitution’ and it cannot be qualified as normal jurisdiction, because many provisions of the Basic Law are open to different interpretations and call for a reference to sources and premises beyond the document ...

SOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione. -2. Le conclusioni dell'AG Cápeta. -3. Considerazioni critiche sulla giustiziabilità "a sé stante" dell'art. 2 TUE e sul criterio della "negazione" dei valori dell'Unione-4. Rilievi conclusivi sul valore costituzionale della (attesissima) pronuncia della Corte di giustizia.

W artykule omówiono prawa i obowiązki procesowe tłumacza w postępowaniu cywilnym.  Ustalono, że tłumacz pełni bardzo ważną rolę w postępowaniu cywilnym, co oznacza, że niezbędne jest ustalenie – w sposób niebudzący wątpliwości – jego praw i obowiązków procesowych.