Building Accounts

Building fund for construction of the new temple was established (1341) four years before laying of the foundation stone of the cathedral. The income flowed from silver mines, public collections, donations and fines. At least in the case of some choir chapels the funding was targeted. The king, church institutions and burghers provided also donations in-kind. The financial sources were not sufficient even before the Hussite Wars, when the income to the building fund was relatively stable and high. The chapter saturated the lack of funding by selling precious metals. During the wars, the chapter lost most of its property and the resources to repair the cathedral were missing. The amount of money spent for the rough construction in the 1370s is in stark contrast to the annual income of the fabric in the 1470s and 1490s. Thus, the Prague Gothic cathedral represents an example of multi-source financing in which a broad spectrum of the local population participated.

Ver van Friesland, in de buurt van Leipzig, bevindt zich in de Bibliothek der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle het (volgens worldcat.org) enige exemplaar van het enige boekje dat Antonius Petri, predikant in Britsum, ooit heeft uitgegeven. Zijn zoon, Petrus Antonides, was eveneens predikant en via Liesbeth Antonides, de beppe van mijn beppe, ben ik een verre nazaat. Omdat er over Antonius Petri maar weinig bekend is, leek het mij de moeite waard om scans van dit boekje op te vragen en hierbij een transcriptie te geven.

Salomon De Bray's Architectura Moderna: Biography and Manifesto 'Hendrick de Keyser was for our country what a Leon Baptista Alberti was for Italy, Pierre Lescot for France and Inigo Jones for England-the initiator of the improved mode of architecture, in accordance with the proportions of the ancients (as far as they were then known) and adapted to Vitruvius.' 1 Kramm could make this utterance in 1836 by sole virtue of the authority of Salomon de Bray, who came to the same conclusion, in a less succinct formulation, in Architectura Moderna (1631). The significance of this judgment lies in de Bray's position as virtually the only one of his contemporaries to see in Hendrick de Keyser an important renovator of Dutch architecture (p. 7). Van Mander, Buchelius, Gerbier, Hooft, Vondel, Jan Vos and later writers like Gerard de Lairesse speak and write of de Keyser as a sculptor of genius, but they barely mention his accomplishments as an architect. 2 Nor is that all. Architectura Moderna was the first original treatise on architecture written in Dutch since Hans Vredeman de Vries' publications. There is reason enough to suppose that de Bray, writing a biography of Hendrick de Keyser, seized the opportunity to construct, for the benefit of the rulers and officials of Holland, a theoretical foundation for architecture and for the position of the architect, in particular. This would also explain the dual nature of the book, which is at one and the same time a biography of de Keyser and a manifesto for modern architecture. The scheme is original in more than one respect. The treatises of Serlio and Vignola-available in Holland also in translations (Pieter Coecke van Aelst) and adaptations (Hans Bloem, Hans Vredeman de Vries)-are put together quite differently. 3 The essence of these treatises is the system of the five orders, which are illustrated with examples from Roman antiquity and the Italian 15th and 16th centuries. They were intended first and foremost for architects and stonemasons, and are geared to practice. Architectura Moderna too has a theoretical section, with illustrations of a number of buildings to underscore its points. The extensive 'To the Reader,' however (p. 1-5), is no tractate on the orders but a plea for architecture as 'konstige Bouwinge,' i.e. construction based on mathematical regularity. The plates are drawn not from ancient architecture, but from 'the buildings of this, our age [because] to my mind the Forms of the Ancients can be utilized rightly and well, and with excellent reason, as adornment and ennoblement, but to imitate each and very one of her building forms is, as I have said, unfeasible and impractical' (p. 11). De Bray chose his title, Architectura Moderna ofte Bouwinghe van onsen tyt (Architectura Moderna or Architecture of our age), in deliberate contrast to that of Vredeman de Vries' magnum opus, Architectura, Oder Bauung der Antiquen auss dem Vitruvius (1577). It is this that gives Architectura Moderna, as distinct from the translations of Serlio, Vignola, Scamozzi and Palladio, its uniqueness: it was written with the intention of acquainting the civic governments of Holland with a new way of building-oriented to Vitruvius and the Italian theoreticians, but, in the work of Hendrick de Keyser, adapted in form to Dutch habits of building. 4 De Bray's intention to make more of his Architectura Moderna than a mere description of Hendrick de Keyser's buildings is apparent even in his introduction, which is nothing more or less than a closely constructed and well documented declaration of policy for architecture. Following Vitruvius (and the Italian theorists from Alberti on), de Bray speaks of architecture as a 'konstige Bouwinghe,' as a science with fixed laws and founded on proportion and harmony. 5 In his attempt to demonstrate the 'antiquity,' 'truth or certainty' and 'worthiness' of architecture in that sense, he arrives at some surprising positions. The high aspirations of architecture Salomon de Bray, Architectura moderna ofte bouwinge van onsen tyt in the Amsterdam 'stee-fabrique' (department of public works). 9 The 'truth' of architecture lies in Necessitas (need) and Ratio (reason), concepts that answer more or less precisely to the distinction between 'ordinary and common carpentry' and 'decorative and artful construction.' The incentive to build, the overall groundplan and general division of the structure are born out of need (protection, isolation); dispositio, symmetria and proportio, on the other hand, are the original contribution of human reason, following the example of nature. The five orders are nothing but codified variants of the rules invented by various peoples at different times. The 'truth' of 'artful architecture' is ordained by Scripture: de Bray cites the locus classicus, (Exodus 35:31): 'And he hath filled him [Bezaleel] with the spirit of God, in wisdom, in understanding, and in knowledge, and in all manner of workmanship; and to devise curious works.' Behind the use of this verse lay a train of thought first formulated by Francesco Giorgio in his pamphlet De harmonia mundi totius (Venice 1525), where the proportions of the buildings described in the Old Testament are analyzed in the hope of deriving their dectated numerical ratios. 10 The theme is picked up by Philibert de l'Orme and later by Scamozzi. 11 In this instance, however, de Bray resorted directly to Villalpando's In Ezechielem Explanationes, where the divine inspiration of the architect is contrasted with the acquirable knowledge and scientific training Vitruvius demands of the architect.

Salomon De Bray's Architectura Moderna: Biography and Manifesto 'Hendrick de Keyser was for our country what a Leon Baptista Alberti was for Italy, Pierre Lescot for France and Inigo Jones for England-the initiator of the improved mode of architecture, in accordance with the proportions of the ancients (as far as they were then known) and adapted to Vitruvius.' 1 Kramm could make this utterance in 1836 by sole virtue of the authority of Salomon de Bray, who came to the same conclusion, in a less succinct formulation, in Architectura Moderna (1631). The significance of this judgment lies in de Bray's position as virtually the only one of his contemporaries to see in Hendrick de Keyser an important renovator of Dutch architecture (p. 7). Van Mander, Buchelius, Gerbier, Hooft, Vondel, Jan Vos and later writers like Gerard de Lairesse speak and write of de Keyser as a sculptor of genius, but they barely mention his accomplishments as an architect. 2 Nor is that all. Architectura Moderna was the first original treatise on architecture written in Dutch since Hans Vredeman de Vries' publications. There is reason enough to suppose that de Bray, writing a biography of Hendrick de Keyser, seized the opportunity to construct, for the benefit of the rulers and officials of Holland, a theoretical foundation for architecture and for the position of the architect, in particular. This would also explain the dual nature of the book, which is at one and the same time a biography of de Keyser and a manifesto for modern architecture. The scheme is original in more than one respect. The treatises of Serlio and Vignola-available in Holland also in translations (Pieter Coecke van Aelst) and adaptations (Hans Bloem, Hans Vredeman de Vries)-are put together quite differently. 3 The essence of these treatises is the system of the five orders, which are illustrated with examples from Roman antiquity and the Italian 15th and 16th centuries. They were intended first and foremost for architects and stonemasons, and are geared to practice. Architectura Moderna too has a theoretical section, with illustrations of a number of buildings to underscore its points. The extensive 'To the Reader,' however (p. 1-5), is no tractate on the orders but a plea for architecture as 'konstige Bouwinge,' i.e. construction based on mathematical regularity. The plates are drawn not from ancient architecture, but from 'the buildings of this, our age [because] to my mind the Forms of the Ancients can be utilized rightly and well, and with excellent reason, as adornment and ennoblement, but to imitate each and very one of her building forms is, as I have said, unfeasible and impractical' (p. 11). De Bray chose his title, Architectura Moderna ofte Bouwinghe van onsen tyt (Architectura Moderna or Architecture of our age), in deliberate contrast to that of Vredeman de Vries' magnum opus, Architectura, Oder Bauung der Antiquen auss dem Vitruvius (1577). It is this that gives Architectura Moderna, as distinct from the translations of Serlio, Vignola, Scamozzi and Palladio, its uniqueness: it was written with the intention of acquainting the civic governments of Holland with a new way of building-oriented to Vitruvius and the Italian theoreticians, but, in the work of Hendrick de Keyser, adapted in form to Dutch habits of building. 4 De Bray's intention to make more of his Architectura Moderna than a mere description of Hendrick de Keyser's buildings is apparent even in his introduction, which is nothing more or less than a closely constructed and well documented declaration of policy for architecture. Following Vitruvius (and the Italian theorists from Alberti on), de Bray speaks of architecture as a 'konstige Bouwinghe,' as a science with fixed laws and founded on proportion and harmony. 5 In his attempt to demonstrate the 'antiquity,' 'truth or certainty' and 'worthiness' of architecture in that sense, he arrives at some surprising positions. The high aspirations of architecture Salomon de Bray, Architectura moderna ofte bouwinge van onsen tyt in the Amsterdam 'stee-fabrique' (department of public works). 9 The 'truth' of architecture lies in Necessitas (need) and Ratio (reason), concepts that answer more or less precisely to the distinction between 'ordinary and common carpentry' and 'decorative and artful construction.' The incentive to build, the overall groundplan and general division of the structure are born out of need (protection, isolation); dispositio, symmetria and proportio, on the other hand, are the original contribution of human reason, following the example of nature. The five orders are nothing but codified variants of the rules invented by various peoples at different times. The 'truth' of 'artful architecture' is ordained by Scripture: de Bray cites the locus classicus, (Exodus 35:31): 'And he hath filled him [Bezaleel] with the spirit of God, in wisdom, in understanding, and in knowledge, and in all manner of workmanship; and to devise curious works.' Behind the use of this verse lay a train of thought first formulated by Francesco Giorgio in his pamphlet De harmonia mundi totius (Venice 1525), where the proportions of the buildings described in the Old Testament are analyzed in the hope of deriving their dectated numerical ratios. 10 The theme is picked up by Philibert de l'Orme and later by Scamozzi. 11 In this instance, however, de Bray resorted directly to Villalpando's In Ezechielem Explanationes, where the divine inspiration of the architect is contrasted with the acquirable knowledge and scientific training Vitruvius demands of the architect.

Foreword ix Acknowledgments xv List of Figures xvi Foreword In the colonial period, several areas in what was then called "Brazil" were places of the unknown. Not only was the land unknown, but also its inhabitants. The Portuguese made little progress into the territory between their arrival at the beginning of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth, only advancing from Ceará to Bahia, scratching away at the coast like crabs, in the words of Frei Vicente do Salvador.1 In some of these areas, they maintained intense relations with a number of Tupi-speaking coastal peoples, and broadly recorded-albeit in a generalized way-what they understood to be their main characteristics. These same peoples would also be objects of interest to and described by other Europeans-Americo Vespucci, Antônio Pigafetta, André Thevet, Hans Staden, Jean de Léry, explorers who disputed this space with the Portuguese or who were part of the crews that traveled to and through Brazil at their service. Together, they painted striking images of the land and its inhabitants that were subsequently disseminated in several European publications. In geographic terms, the Indigenous peoples described abundantly in printed matter from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were those who circulated in the space covered by the Treaty of Tordesilhas, a large area between the mouth of the Tocantins and Parnaíba rivers in the north and the Captaincy of São Vicente in the south. The natives of the Amazon were not included in the first image that was created of the inhabitants of Brazil, which is fundamentally a representation of the Tupi-speaking groups. The latter are presented as very different from the peoples of the inland areas or sertões, called "barbarians" by the Tupi and-following their accounts-by the Europeans.2 The backlands of Brazil, as opposed to the coastal area, were seen as a space "free from Portuguese colonial power"3 and would remain so, especially in the case of the captaincies of northern Brazil (Ceará, Rio Grande, Paraíba, and Pernambuco) until the mid-seventeenth century. The advance towards the innermost areas of the territory was interrupted by the invasion funded by the West India Company, between 1624 and 1654, which caused the draining of human

In Haarlem waren in 1640 zo'n 55 brouwerijen. Veel eigenaren waren natuurlijk gewoon hervormd, toen ook wel gereformeerd genoemd. Maar er was ook een belangrijke groep doopsgezinde brouwers.
In Haarlem kwamen na 1578 veel Vlaamse godsdienstvluchtelingen aan. Dat was al eerder het geval, maar de val van Antwerpen versnelde dit proces. Daaronder waren veel mensen met beroepen in de textiel, maar ook brouwers.
De doopsgezinde brouwers hadden sterke onderlinge banden. Er werd ook veel tussen deze families getrouwd. Daardoor hangen de vier families in deze publikatie sterk met elkaar samen, waardoor ze in één boek moesten worden behandeld.

From the mid-fifteenth century until the mid-sixteenth century the city of Bruges acted as a sponsor of drama festivals. Many of these festivals were related to political events. The civic authorities issued invitations to stage plays on a set date and a set hour. Within a very short period of time local rhetoricians managed to write a play, had it rehearsed by the members of the rhetoricians' chambers they were a member of, and had it performed. The authors of most of these plays are unknown and most of the texts have not been preserved, with the exception of the plays written by Cornelis Everaert (c. 1480-1556) who, in more than one occasion, even won the first prize. This essay also publishes a selection of the most relevant records, both in the original language and in an English translation.

Hoe bijzonder is het om van een verre voorouder die vier eeuwen geleden leefde geen persoonlijke brieven of dagboeken maar wel meer dan vijfhonderd vermeldingen terug te vinden in diverse archiefstukken. Met elkaar vormen zij de stukjes van een grote legpuzzel waarmee ik zijn leven probeer te reconstrueren. Tegelijk vormen deze akten ook een soort staalkaart of doorsnee van het leven van een Friese pachter in de zeventiende eeuw. Om meer inzicht te krijgen in hun nog weinig bekende werkzaamheden en positie in de samenleving, heb ik nader onderzoek gedaan naar alle belastingpachters in Friesland in deze periode. Onder andere heb ik meer dan vijf duizend verpachtingsakten verwerkt in een database. Een en ander zal binnenkort uitmonden in een artikel waarin ik de resultaten van mijn onderzoek samenvat. Hieronder volgt een volledige transcriptie van alle akten die ik betreffende mijn voorouder Outger Jans heb kunnen vinden. Ik hoop dat ik met deze volledige weergave meerdere onderzoekers en genealogen van dienst kan zijn.

In dit artikel worden enkele getuigenverklaringen uitgegeven die afgenomen werden van vrouwen betrokken in een seksueel schandaal in 1648. Naar aanleiding van de afkondiging van de Vrede van Münster had pastoor Jan Schuermans van Ename (bij Oudenaarde) een meisje verleid dat zwanger werd en een kind baarde. Het bleek dat hij nog andere vrouwen lastig had gevallen. Het schandaal leidde tot een proces dat voor de officialiteit van het aartsbisdom Mechelen werd gevoerd. De veroordeling die volgde, zou Schuermans levenslang blijven achtervolgen.

and other parts of the world. CUNY DSI's mission is to produce and disseminate research and scholarship about Dominicans, and about the Dominican Republic itself. The Institute houses the Dominican Archives and the Dominican Library, the first and only institutions in the United States collecting primary and secondary source material about Dominicans. CUNY DSI is the locus for a community of scholars, including doctoral fellows, in the field of Dominican Studies, and sponsors multidisciplinary research projects. The Institute organizes lectures, conferences, and exhibitions that are open to the public.

The Sonnets of Het Bosken by Jan Van der Noot Jan Van der Noot (c.l540-c.!601) is a central figure in Dutch literature, widely regarded as the first true Renaissance poet in the Netherlands. He was the earliest Dutch poet to imitate Ronsard, Bai'f, and Petrarch, and the first to use the sonnetform. Van der Noot also has vital links with sixteenth-century England and English literature. While living in London (1567-72), he produced the source-text for Spenser and Roest's Theatre of Voluptuous Worldlings. Yet despite this contribution, he is frequently overlooked by English-speaking critics. Even when he does receive consideration, he is seldom viewed as a poet in his own right. As an attempt to redress this, we offer here fresh translations from Van der Noot's work, lightly annotated throughout, concentrating on the sonnets that are the lynchpin of his reputation.

Jan Van der Noot (c. l540-c. 1601) is a central figure in Dutch literature, widely regarded as the first true Renaissance poet in the Netherlands. He was the earliest Dutch poet to imitate Ronsard, Baïf, and Petrarch, and the first to use the sonnet-form. Van der Noot also has vital links with sixteenth-century England and English literature. While living in London (1567-72), he produced the source-text for Spenser and Roest's Theatre of Voluptuous Worldlings. Yet despite this contribution, he is frequently overlooked by English-speaking critics. Even ...

In een goed gedocumenteerde bijdrage beschreef V.E. Wauters de zwartste dag uit de geschiedenis van Wommelgem: de plundering van het dorp, op 26 mei 1589, door milities uit Bergen-op-Zoom. 1 Daarbij verloren enkele tientallen Wommelgemnaren het leven en gingen verschillende gebouwen in de vlammen op. Ook de parochiekerk brandde uit.

The Sonnets of Het Bosken by Jan Van der Noot Jan Van der Noot (c.l540-c.!601) is a central figure in Dutch literature, widely regarded as the first true Renaissance poet in the Netherlands. He was the earliest Dutch poet to imitate Ronsard, Bai'f, and Petrarch, and the first to use the sonnetform. Van der Noot also has vital links with sixteenth-century England and English literature. While living in London (1567-72), he produced the source-text for Spenser and Roest's Theatre of Voluptuous Worldlings. Yet despite this contribution, he is frequently overlooked by English-speaking critics. Even when he does receive consideration, he is seldom viewed as a poet in his own right. As an attempt to redress this, we offer here fresh translations from Van der Noot's work, lightly annotated throughout, concentrating on the sonnets that are the lynchpin of his reputation.

Jan Van der Noot (c.l540-c.!601) is a central figure in Dutch literature, widely regarded as the first true Renaissance poet in the Netherlands. He was the earliest Dutch poet to imitate Ronsard, Bai'f, and Petrarch, and the first to use the sonnetform. Van der Noot also has vital links with sixteenth-century England and English literature. While living in London (1567-72), he produced the source-text for Spenser and Roest's Theatre of Voluptuous Worldlings. Yet despite this contribution, he is frequently overlooked by English-speaking critics. Even when he does receive consideration, he is seldom viewed as a poet in his own right. As an attempt to redress this, we offer here fresh translations from Van der Noot's work, lightly annotated throughout, concentrating on the sonnets that are the lynchpin of his reputation.

FROM THE QUARRY TO THE SANCTUARY. ARCHITECTURAL SCULPTURES
ON BUILDING INSCRIPTIONS.
This article addresses the testimonia pertaining to the construction of architectural sculptures on inscribed building accounts. It is focused on the sculptures of the Parthenon (IG I3 445-449), the Erechtheion (IG I3 476), of the temples of Asklepios at Epidauros (IG IV2 1, 102) and Apollo at Delphi (CID II, 32, 57, 97).
Every inscribed record of architectural sculptures is first examined on its own and subsequently all records are considered comparatively. Each record represents a unique case, since it served various purposes, necessities and circumstances. In addition, its wording was formulated by different commissioners. Furthermore, the following specific aspects are discussed: whether the people involved (as supervisors, contractors or workers) came from the polis associated with the temple or not; the origin of the building materials; how urgent was the completion of the building’s construction; how the cost of each work was estimated; if the payments were made on a daily basis, by wage, per item or by contract; what coin was used for the payment (attic or aeginetan) etc. Finally, the article provides a comparison of the amounts paid for the construction of the architectural sculptures of these four sacred buildings and an interpretation is offered for the considerable deviations observed in their pricing.

De Collectie Ouwerling en het verdwenen Charterboek van Loon op Zand Dit artikel verscheen eerder onder de titel 'Te Nijmegen vernield. Notaris J.H. van Loon en het heerlijkheidsarchief Loon op Zand' in het Jaarboek Straet & Vaert 2004 (pp. 96-99). De tekst is hier licht aangepast en aangevuld met de teksten van de oorkonden die (toen) enige tijd digitaal beschikbaar waren op een niet langer bestaande website.

Additional book to the series Harskamper Bronnen. It describes the bills of the noble House of Harskamp during the period 1638-1654.
Leaseholders of this house were Hima Christina van Delen and her first husband Jacob Ripperda. After his death she remarried Diederick van Weerdenburg in 1648.

An unusually large clay-lump farmhouse in Suffolk, built in 1880, for which detailed building accounts have survived, enabling the sources of the building material to be identified and the contractors who did the work. The clay for the walls was raised on site and most of the other materials came from within an 8-mile radius of the house.

In 1742 the city of Amsterdam bought Leimuiden and Vriesekoop. One of its mayors was appointed as lord of the new possession.
In the period 1780-1784 three mayors abdicated or died as lord of the possession. Eventuelly Quirijn Willem van Hoorn succeeded them. He was the last lord until 1795 when lordly possessions were abolished.  The archives of the family Van Hoorn contain a handwritten description of Leimuiden & Vriesekoop. Pieter Nicolaas Vossius, the secretary of Amsterdams possession, describes the geography, organisation and finances of Leimuiden and Vriesekoop. It offers an insight in a Dutch village at the end of the 18th century. Vossius wrote three versions of his so called 'memorie' in the period 1780-1784. From the timing can be deducted that he tried to flatter each new lord of his village.

Bijlagen zijn een gedeeltelijke transcriptie van: OUDENAARDE, SAO, SAAR, nr. 1026/105: Register van renten 1363-1576. Folio's 1r tot en met 52r met weglating van folio's 41r tot en met 49r en 50v tot en met 51v wegens te beperkt nut binnen dit onderzoek. Folio's 4r, 4v, 11r, 11v, 17v, 18v, 23r en 23v ontbraken in het stadsarchief. Voor folio 7r gebeurde de transcriptie gedeeltelijk met behulp van: Verpachting van de Hoogstraat 5, V. DEBONNE en P.J. LACHAERT ed., 'Een middeleeuws huis in Oudenaarde (prov. Oost-Vlaanderen): historisch en bouwhistorisch onderzoek in Hoogstraat 7', Relicta, 3 (2007), 244. Voor folio 25v gebeurde de transcriptie gedeeltelijk met behulp van: Sint-Jooris Kapelle, het Hospitaelstraetje en het Huizeken der Zakkedragers, L. VAN LERBERGHE en J. RONSSE ed., Audenaerdsche mengelingen, Volume 1, Oudenaarde, 1845, 284-285.

Bij het onderzoek naar mijn voorouders, stuit ik tien generaties voor mij op de inventaris van Anna Outgers van 27 november 1693. Haar man Gabriel Kutsch is afkomstig uit Duitsland en komt in 1656 naar Leeuwarden. In dat jaar trouwen ze en wordt Gabriel aangesteld als klerk bij Gedeputeerde Staten. In 1677, twee jaar voor zijn dood, wordt hij uiteindelijk secretaris van dit college. Zijn grafsteen uit 1679 is nog te vinden in het Leeuwarder Bos, op de kunstmatige heuvel waar de zerken uit de Westerkerk nu liggen. Anna overlijdt 15 jaar later in 1693. De inventaris die dan wordt opgemaakt, geeft een uniek kijkje in het leven van een gegoede Leeuwarder familie in de Gouden Eeuw. Daarnaast doet de inventaris nieuw licht schijnen op een aantal Leeuwarder huisnamen.

Portret van Maria van Sulpere, Leuven, Anoniem, 1ste helft 17de eeuw, Leuven, Stedelijk Museum Vander Kelen-Mertens, Schilderij, olie op doek, herkomst: Sint-Pietersgasthuis. (Foto uit 900 jaar Gasthuiszusters te Leuven, uitgever De Vlies). Maria van Sulpere was in de 16de eeuw in Leuven een zeer populaire figuur, een toonbeeld van christelijke naastenliefde. Na haar dood ontstond rond haar figuur een belangrijke verering. Zij maakte zich dikwijls dienstbaar in die periodes wanneer Leuven getroffen werd door de zwarte dood.

The article presents and compares mentions from the newspapers that Broer Jansz en Jan van Hilten published in 1638 previous to the battle at Kallo, near Antwerp (june 1638). This material is the substance for the article ‘Broer Jansz in Antwerpse ogen: de Amsterdamse courantier na de slag bij Kallo in 1638 neergezet als propagandist’. In: Themadossier: Woord en beeld als wapen: nieuws en propaganda in de zeventiende eeuw. [Speciaal nr. van: De zeventiende eeuw (Hilversum, Verloren]: 25 (2009) 1, pag. 73-89.

J. Van der Stock, ‘Canon in Context. Consumption of Early-Netherlandish Images in the Fifteenth and the First Half of the Sixteenth Centuries’, in: L. Campbell, J. Van der Stock, C. Reynolds and L. Watteeuw (eds.), Rogier van der Weyden in Context. Papers presented at the Seventeenth Symposium for the Study of Underdrawing and Technology in Painting held in Leuven, 22-24 October 2009 (Paris, Leuven and Walpole, MA: Peeters Publishers, 2012): 3-21.​