Attachment and Aggression

Adolf Hitler's personality was investigated posthumously through the use of an informant version of the Coolidge Axis II Inventory (CATI), which is designed for the assessment of personality, clinical, and neuropsychological disorders. Five academic Hitler historians completed the CATI. The overall mean inter-rater correlation was moderately high for all 38 CATI scales' T scores (median r = .72). On Axis I, the highest mean T scores across raters were Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (76), Psychotic Thinking (73) and Schizophrenia (69). On Axis II, the highest mean T scores were Paranoid Personality Disorder (78), Antisocial Personality Disorder (78), Narcissistic Personality Disorder (77), and Sadistic Personality Disorder (76). Results of the present study support the reliability and preliminary validity of informant reports for psychological investigations of historical or contemporary figures.

forthcoming The building, which provokes by its beauty a positive response, resuscitates an early hunger or greed in the disposi-tion of morsels that are smooth with morsels that are rough, or of wall spaces with the apertures; an impression, I have said, composed as well from other architectural sensations. To repeat: it is as if those apertures had been torn in that body by our revengeful teeth so that we experience as a beautiful form, and indeed as indispensable shelter also, the outcome of sadistic attacks, fierce yet smoothed, healed into a source of health which we would take inside us ad preserve there unharmed for the source of our goodness: as if also…the smooth body of the wall-face, or the smooth vacancy within the apertures, were the shining breast, while the mouldings, the projections, the rustications, the tiles, were the head, the feeding nipple of that breast [Stokes, 1951, p. 243].

Melanie Klein's theory provides an integrative link between the conflict theory of Freud and the process theory of the British school of object relations, with its emphasis on relational yearnings as the primary motivational force that dominates our psyches. Klein's theory provides an integrative framework for both the conflict and process aspects of the human psyche, which makes it fundamental and unique. CONFLICT Drive truly becomes passion as the churning confusion of love and hate comes to dominate the texture of human psychic experience (see Greenberg and Mitchell, 1983). The primary desire for loving, featured as the major characteristic of human strivings within the theory of all the British object relations theories-being called a drive toward connection by Fairbairn, and "primary love" by Balint-resonates through Klein's theory as the craving for reparative reunion with our primary love in the face of poignantly tormenting thrusts toward hostile aggression that emanate from within us. We fear both that our aggression will annihilate the maternal giver who is the very center of our Iongings for nurturing and deep modes of sensual care, and that our aggression will meet with retaliation from the mother who can be imagined to be as murderous as our own destructive and combative impulses.

This poster takes a deeper look at the paranoid-schizoid position introduced to Object Relations Theory by Melanie Kline, and goes on to apply the theory to modern day American politics to help describe the phenomenon of our bi-partisan system, why the polarization between the two sides has become so extreme, and theorizes ways in which we as a society can move past it. This poster uses the Star Trek Episode "The Enemy Within" to aid in presenting the concepts of the paranoid-schizoid position, followed by the resolution in reintroduction.

Carl Schmitt's claim to have demonstrated an unbreakable connection between sovereignty and the opposition between friends and enemies stands as an enduring challenge to the possibility of a politics that is free from in-group idealization and out-group demonization and the inevitably pernicious consequences that follow from this political-psychological split. In this paper I take up this challenge by relying on, and extending, the psychoanalytic assumptions of Melanie Klein to identify the common yet contingent psychological preconditions of this "Schmittian" connection, and thus to begin to clarify the conditions under which it could be broken. In locating what might be called the "relative truth" of Schmitt's position, Klein turns out to be neither entirely an enemy nor entirely a friend of Carl Schmitt.

This note summarizes some of the areas of difference between the author's views, rooted as they are in the contributions of Freud, Klein, Winnicott, Bion and certain other British theorists, and those of the various American schools influenced by ego psychology, as they pertain to developmental propositions and their application in clinical work. The areas of differences in understanding touched upon relate to, inter alia, how early development of the ego is conceptualized; the role of the infant's objects, actual and phantasied; the factors that inhibit or promote such development; and the implications of these ideas for clinical work and for the aims of analytic therapy. at the conclusion of the work of the discussion group on Clinical Applications of Developmental Propositions it was requested that I provide some overall comments on development and on the vast topic of this group from my perspective. This is a daunting task as there is such a wide gulf that separates my approach to psychoanalysis (rooted in Freud, Klein, Bion, Winnicott, and a number of

Ever since Freud turned to myth, literature, tragedy, art, and studies of the creative writer, psychoanalysts have drawn upon aesthetic objects as exemplars of the caches of emotional life, the fate of the subjunctive mood and, too, for affectations that drive and may destroy the elusive search for beauty, truth, and poetic knowledge. In one

Stress, be it physical or psychological, can have a devastating long-term impact on an individual’s development, health, and well-being, and yet can be adaptive in the short term (e.g., promoting immediate survival, triggering the desire to remedy social conflict). The stress response system involves physiological processes in reaction to a real or perceived threat, which serve a variety of purposes. This chapter reviews pertinent topics and research within the social neuroendocrine study of stress, including acute versus chronic stress, and how stress influences social behavior and status. Where appropriate, it offers critiques of current theoretical models and includes suggestions for future directions within this research area.

In this article, I consider the question of what punishment expresses and propose a way of approaching the question that overcomes problems in both psychosocial and philosophical expressivist traditions. The problem in both traditions is, I suggest, the need for an adequate moral – neither moralizing nor reductive – psychology, and I argue that Melanie Klein’s work offers such a moral psychology. I offer a reconstruction of Klein’s central claims and begin to sketch some of its potential implications for an expressive account of punishment. I outline a Kleinian interpretation of modern punishment’s expression as of an essentially persecutory nature but also include depressive realizations that have generally proved too difficult for liberal modernity to work through successfully, and the recent ‘persecutory turn’ is a defence against such realizations. I conclude by considering the wider philosophical significance of a Kleinian account for the expressivist theory of punishment.

Carl Schmitt's claim to have demonstrated an unbreakable connection between sovereignty and the opposition between friends and enemies stands as an enduring challenge to the possibility of a politics that is free from in-group idealization and out-group demonization and the inevitably pernicious consequences that follow from this political-psychological split. In this paper I take up this challenge by relying on, and extending, the psychoanalytic assumptions of Melanie Klein to identify the common yet contingent psychological preconditions of this "Schmittian" connection, and thus to begin to clarify the conditions under which it could be broken. In locating what might be called the "relative truth" of Schmitt's position, Klein turns out to be neither entirely an enemy nor entirely a friend of Carl Schmitt.

For the fields of education, socio-political thought, critical theory, literary and cultural studies, dedicated as these are to the analysis of the twists, returns, and broken records of human agency, historical memory, and social intercourse, the vexing matter of what people are like, how they come to be the people they are, and at what point other persons are felt to matter, continues

A sociologically trained social psychologist engaged in theoretical and clinical work in psychoanalysis is likely on occasion to be asked by his sociologist colleagues to account for what sometimes appears to them to be an eccentric, if not slightly suspect preoccupation on the part of a sociologist and to explain how he manages or fails to reconcile two paradigms often regarded as unrelated or even antithetical. Recently, for example, I was asked by a colleague to speak to her class on the topic of "the relevance of Freud for students of social theory." On reflection it occurred to me that this manner of formulating the topic could be regarded as expressing a degree of skepticism regarding the thesis I was expected to defend-a skepticism that may well be representative of the attitude of many sociologists toward psychoanalysis. By way of comparison, it is rather unlikely that anyone would be asked to discuss the relevance of Marx or Weber for students of social theory for in most quarters this is taken for granted. Yet, although Freud is acknowledged as one of the architects of modern thought and sensibility, and despite the important work of a wide range of psychoanalytically oriented sociologists, he is a somewhat unsung hero-perhaps even an antihero-in sociology. #1 Freud remains a figure more likely to be honored through the rituals of refutation than those of affirmation, or honored only indirectly, and often with considerable distortion, in the work of his self-styled followers in Freudo-Marxism and critical theory. #2 Since I for one cannot see how psychoanalysis can avoid being of central

A sociologically trained social psychologist engaged in theoretical and clinical work in psychoanalysis is likely on occasion to be asked by his sociologist colleagues to account for what sometimes appears to them to be an eccentric, if not slightly suspect preoccupation on the part of a sociologist and to explain how he manages or fails to reconcile two paradigms often regarded as unrelated or even antithetical. Recently, for example, I was asked by a colleague to speak to her class on the topic of "the relevance of Freud for students of social theory." On reflection it occurred to me that this manner of formulating the topic could be regarded as expressing a degree of skepticism regarding the thesis I was expected to defend-a skepticism that may well be representative of the attitude of many sociologists toward psychoanalysis. By way of comparison, it is rather unlikely that anyone would be asked to discuss the relevance of Marx or Weber for students of social theory for in most quarters this is taken for granted. Yet, although Freud is acknowledged as one of the architects of modern thought and sensibility, and despite the important work of a wide range of psychoanalytically oriented sociologists, he is a somewhat unsung hero-perhaps even an antihero-in sociology. #1 Freud remains a figure more likely to be honored through the rituals of refutation than those of affirmation, or honored only indirectly, and often with considerable distortion, in the work of his self-styled followers in Freudo-Marxism and critical theory. #2 Since I for one cannot see how psychoanalysis can avoid being of central

forthcoming The building, which provokes by its beauty a positive response, resuscitates an early hunger or greed in the disposi-tion of morsels that are smooth with morsels that are rough, or of wall spaces with the apertures; an impression, I have said, composed as well from other architectural sensations. To repeat: it is as if those apertures had been torn in that body by our revengeful teeth so that we experience as a beautiful form, and indeed as indispensable shelter also, the outcome of sadistic attacks, fierce yet smoothed, healed into a source of health which we would take inside us ad preserve there unharmed for the source of our goodness: as if also…the smooth body of the wall-face, or the smooth vacancy within the apertures, were the shining breast, while the mouldings, the projections, the rustications, the tiles, were the head, the feeding nipple of that breast [Stokes, 1951, p. 243].

Let us try to think of a different time, where arguments over the nature, timing, and goals of education were highly disputed, not just because there must be contentious views on what we imagine when we imagine education, but, more pointedly, because these debates were on the verge of articulating an unasked question: can education and freedom meet? And let us try to narrate this story in an uncanny time, moving back and forth between then and now, here and there, absence and presence. Think, then, of this other history as proposing an allegory for our own. Then, try to keep open a different sense of 'time out': Can we freely associate and still call what we are doing education?

was born into a middle-class Jewish family in Vienna in 1882. She originally intended to attend medical school to study psychiatry like her father, but instead married at the age of 21 and had three children. She consequently received no formal university education and moved into the professional field of psychoanalysis later in life. Deprivations and traumatic events in her own childhood (two of her siblings died at young ages) seem to have affected her greatly. 3 Klein was unhappy in her marriage from the beginning, but divorce was difficult in the early 1900s and she was dependent on her husband, Arthur, for financial support. 4 Klein and her family moved to Budapest in 1910 but they had to leave as the anti-Semitic "White Terror" 5 took hold of Hungary. She eventually joined Karl Abraham's 6 Psychoanalytic Institute in Berlin in 1922, by which time her marriage was failing, and Melanie and Arthur divorced in 1923. In 1924, she began her own analysis with Abraham but he died 18 months later. In 1926, Klein was invited to England by Ernest Jones 7 to give a series of lectures that would form the basis of her first book, The PsychoAnalysis of Children. She 1 Alix Strachey (1892-1973) was an American-born British psychoanalyst who was instrumental in arranging Klein's first visit to London in 1925. He translated some of her papers into English. 2 Psychoanalysis: Psychoanalysis is a therapeutic method, originated by Sigmund Freud, for treating mental disorders by investigating the interaction of conscious and unconscious elements in the patient's mind and bringing repressed fears and conflicts into the conscious mind, using techniques such as dream interpretation and free association. (OED) 3 Catalina Bronstein, Kleinian Theory: A Contemporary Perspective (London: Whurr, 2001), 2. 4 Bronstein, Kleinian Theory. 5 White Terror: The "White Terror" in Hungary was a two-year period (1919-1921) of repressive violence by counter-revolutionary soldiers, with the intent of crushing any vestige of Hungary's brief communist state. Many of its victims were Jewish.

was born into a middle-class Jewish family in Vienna in 1882. She originally intended to attend medical school to study psychiatry like her father, but instead married at the age of 21 and had three children. She consequently received no formal university education and moved into the professional field of psychoanalysis later in life. Deprivations and traumatic events in her own childhood (two of her siblings died at young ages) seem to have affected her greatly. 3 Klein was unhappy in her marriage from the beginning, but divorce was difficult in the early 1900s and she was dependent on her husband, Arthur, for financial support. 4 Klein and her family moved to Budapest in 1910 but they had to leave as the anti-Semitic "White Terror" 5 took hold of Hungary. She eventually joined Karl Abraham's 6 Psychoanalytic Institute in Berlin in 1922, by which time her marriage was failing, and Melanie and Arthur divorced in 1923. In 1924, she began her own analysis with Abraham but he died 18 months later. In 1926, Klein was invited to England by Ernest Jones 7 to give a series of lectures that would form the basis of her first book, The PsychoAnalysis of Children. She 1 Alix Strachey (1892-1973) was an American-born British psychoanalyst who was instrumental in arranging Klein's first visit to London in 1925. He translated some of her papers into English. 2 Psychoanalysis: Psychoanalysis is a therapeutic method, originated by Sigmund Freud, for treating mental disorders by investigating the interaction of conscious and unconscious elements in the patient's mind and bringing repressed fears and conflicts into the conscious mind, using techniques such as dream interpretation and free association. (OED) 3 Catalina Bronstein, Kleinian Theory: A Contemporary Perspective (London: Whurr, 2001), 2. 4 Bronstein, Kleinian Theory. 5 White Terror: The "White Terror" in Hungary was a two-year period (1919-1921) of repressive violence by counter-revolutionary soldiers, with the intent of crushing any vestige of Hungary's brief communist state. Many of its victims were Jewish.

was born into a middle-class Jewish family in Vienna in 1882. She originally intended to attend medical school to study psychiatry like her father, but instead married at the age of 21 and had three children. She consequently received no formal university education and moved into the professional field of psychoanalysis later in life. Deprivations and traumatic events in her own childhood (two of her siblings died at young ages) seem to have affected her greatly. 3 Klein was unhappy in her marriage from the beginning, but divorce was difficult in the early 1900s and she was dependent on her husband, Arthur, for financial support. 4 Klein and her family moved to Budapest in 1910 but they had to leave as the anti-Semitic "White Terror" 5 took hold of Hungary. She eventually joined Karl Abraham's 6 Psychoanalytic Institute in Berlin in 1922, by which time her marriage was failing, and Melanie and Arthur divorced in 1923. In 1924, she began her own analysis with Abraham but he died 18 months later. In 1926, Klein was invited to England by Ernest Jones 7 to give a series of lectures that would form the basis of her first book, The PsychoAnalysis of Children. She 1 Alix Strachey (1892-1973) was an American-born British psychoanalyst who was instrumental in arranging Klein's first visit to London in 1925. He translated some of her papers into English. 2 Psychoanalysis: Psychoanalysis is a therapeutic method, originated by Sigmund Freud, for treating mental disorders by investigating the interaction of conscious and unconscious elements in the patient's mind and bringing repressed fears and conflicts into the conscious mind, using techniques such as dream interpretation and free association. (OED) 3 Catalina Bronstein, Kleinian Theory: A Contemporary Perspective (London: Whurr, 2001), 2. 4 Bronstein, Kleinian Theory. 5 White Terror: The "White Terror" in Hungary was a two-year period (1919-1921) of repressive violence by counter-revolutionary soldiers, with the intent of crushing any vestige of Hungary's brief communist state. Many of its victims were Jewish.

For more than 100 years, Henrik Ibsen's Peer Gynt has been interpreted in the light of Søren Kierkegaard. With a problematic self as an essence of the play, one has emphasized a Kierkegaardian choice, necessary for Peer to become an integrated person. This paper challenges these interpretations by focusing on mourning as a way to develop the self in Peer Gynt. The reading reveals a striking correspondence, concerning structure and dynamics, between Peer's way of dealing with feelings like sadness, guilt and remorse and Klein's model of paranoid-schizoid and depressive position. Peer is facing painful feelings throughout the play. He identifies them quite easily, but is not able to tolerate the pain and avoids them with omnipotent fantasies, manic manoeuvres and denial. Hence, no reparation through mourning takes place, his development is arrested and he is unable to form a genuine love relationship with Solveig. The reading demonstrates an impressively profound complexity in Ibsen's representation of Peer's character, and a striking richness in detail in how it corresponds to Klein's anthropology.

Abstract. Theprecedingsymposiumarticlesspeculateonthepsychosocialdynamicsofdiscrimination as reverberating with grief, mourning, melancholia, and denial. They invite a psychoanalytic paradox on the fate of inchoate loss and its complex relation to oppression and depression: constellations of attachment to loss met with its social and psychical disavowal render inexpressible to the other the work of mourning and drive its myriad expressions. A different way of putting the dilemma is that grief calls upon symbolic equation (collapse of subject with object) and the pain of symbolization (contingency without certainty). Deborah Britzman’s coda reads the psychoanalyst Melanie Klein’s consideration of depression as the origin of the human condition with Paulo Freire’s call to educators for a radical humanization to release oppression. Between Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed and Klein’s Love, Guilt, and Reparation, the coda traces a signifying loss that attests to the entwined roots of the self/other matrix with attention to the needed fluctuations within interiority and exteriority, loss and the depressive position, illness and health, and psychoanalysis with pedagogy.

This article presents and analyses a set of notes written by the psychoanalyst Melanie Klein following an operation in 1937. The notes, entitled Observations after an Operation, act as a case study of the intersection of psychical, material and social relations as they play out in the immediate aftermath of surgical intervention. Using a close reading method, the article contextualises an analysis of Observations after an Operation by linking it to Klein's wider corpus of theoretical work. It deals in turn with the representation of anxiety mechanisms in the patient experience, drawing upon Klein's notes on the similarity with 'anxiety-situations' in early childhood; with Klein's changed relation with both external objects and their counterparts in the individual's mental landscape; with the role of sensation in phantasy, and the connection to bodily pain; with the doctor-patient relationship and the way this is perceived as being embodied in material objects, played out across two dreams experienced by Klein during her recovery; with the emphasis on illness as a form of mourning; and with the creative potential that the experience offers for a renewed structure of object relations. The article concludes that a greater attention to the role and representation of material objects, using psychoanalytic object relations theory as a starting point, can enhance how we collectively understand and assess the psychical impact of healthcare settings upon the patient. It also invites other scholars across the critical medical humanities to consult and analyse the newly available text upon which this article is based.

This paper explores a psychological reading of W. Somerset Maugham's first novel Liza of Lambeth based on Melanie Klein's notions of object relations theory. Maugham's works illustrate the simple life of people who are woven to their destructive ways of living and depict their symptomatic relationships. These sorts of self-damaging and wrong objects selections are the consequences of incomplete childhood prototypes with parents which are influential throughout these people's lifespan. In Klein's term these may be the result of projective identification and depressive position. Although Maugham attempts to show his protagonists as successful people, they always choose the wrong partners for their relationships. On the surface this is not a problem for them, but in the deeper layers it shows itself as the main issue for characters to prevent them from gaining the love-life they deserve. This study analyses the effect of object relations in Maugham's main character's relationships that are caused by her infancy and childhood defective experiences with her mother, father or caretakers. These sorts of destructive relationship and connections are interrelated and deprived them to have healthy relationship in their adulthood.

Melanie Klein was a major figure in psychoanalysis in the 20 th century and also important to psychiatrists with an interest in psychoanalysis. This paper examines the interaction of her personality on her work, theory and on psychoanalytical politics. Despite criticism from philosophers the genetic fallacy (the nonimportance of personality, or the lack of a link between philosophy and personality), is a concept that I disagree with because theory, personality and politics all interact in psychoanalysis, the arts and humanities.

Between the years of 1910 and 1939 Klein was a younger contemporary of Sigmund Freud, reading his findings and essays as he wrote them. She would be known for emphasizing aspects of Freud's theories-the life and death drives, anxiety and melancholia, and the mental agencies of id, ego, and superego-while significantly revising their developments with the subtle distinctions of infantile emotional life. Klein first observed in her practice with very young children and with adults, a mind-world composed of active object relations, multiple emotional dramas, affect scenarios, personifications of organs at war, and what she came to group under the terms of phantasies. As early as 1921, Klein believed that the object of child analysis was psychoanalytic understanding and not, as many of her child analyst colleagues argued at the time, helping the child achieve a stronger sense of reality by providing instructions in a psychoanalytic pedagogy. It was listening for the child's unasked questions Klein felt, that must be interpreted as an appeal to freedom. Two dilemmas follow: What can knowledge mean psychoan-alytically? And, how could Klein garner enough understanding to narrate with children and adults what she would simply call "a time before?" One can say that Klein's theory of the emotional world is, above all, a theory of phantasy that has as its destiny the development of the mind beholden to both the fate of internal object relations and the imagination so needed to think. Her theory of learning to live, then, remains radical and for education proposes deep existential dilemmas on the nature of knowledge, love, authority, thinking, and relationships in teaching and learning. But what are our selves? Everything, good or bad, that we have gone through from our earliest days onwards: all that we have received from the external world and all that we have felt in our inner world, happy and unhappy experiences, relations to people, activities, interests and thoughts of all kinds-that is to say, everything we have lived through-makes part of our selves and goes to build up our personalities. If some of our past relationships, with all the associated memories, with the wealth of feelings they called forth, could be suddenly wiped out of our lives, how impoverished and empty we should feel! How much love, trust, gratification, comfort and gratitude, which we experienced, would be

In his now classic article titled " Real Work " , Abraham Zaleznik (1989) famously chastised organisations for subordinating real work to psychopoli-tics. For Zaleznik (1989), real work involved " thinking about and acting on products, markets, and customers " while psychopolitics amounted to " an unhealthy preoccupation with process at the expense of productivity " (pp. 57, 59). The present article revisits Zaleznik's call for a return to real work, using it as an invitation to further explore the concept of work within the psychoanalytic study of organisations. The argument is made that despite nearly a century of scholarship in this area, work remains relatively understudied. Two major psychoanalytic approaches to conceptualising work are critically examined—the Tavistock and Frankfurt School approaches—to make the case for greater theoretical depth and breadth. In closing, a preliminary proposal is put forth for a renewed psychoanalytic study of work to complement the psychoanalytic study of organisations.

This article claims that an expressivist understanding of criminal punishment requires a sufficiently realistic moral psychology, and argues that Melanie Klein's psychoanalytic thought offers the basis for such a psychology, providing a route to fixing the shortcomings of both psychosocial and philosophical theories of punishment as an expressive practice.

The purpose of this paper is to review field studies of human male hormones and reproductive behavior. We first discuss life history theory and related conceptual considerations. As illustrations, distinctive features of human male life histories such as coalitional aggression, long-term partnering and paternal care are noted, along with their relevance to overall reproductive effort and developmental plasticity. We address broad questions about what constitutes a human male field study of hormones and behavior, including the kinds of hormone and be-havioral measures employed in existing studies. Turning to several sections of empirical review, we present and discuss evidence for links between prenatal and juvenile androgens and sexual attraction and aggression. This includes the proposal that adrenal androgens—DHEA and androstenedione—may play functional roles during juvenility as part of a life-stage specific system. We next review studies of adult male testosterone responses to competition, with these studies emphasizing men's involvement in individual and team sports. These studies show that men's testosterone responses differ with respect to variables such as playing home/away, winning/los-ing, and motivation. Field studies of human male hormones and sexual behavior also focus on testosterone, showing some evidence of patterned changes in men's testosterone to sexual activity. Moreover, life stage-specific changes in male androgens may structure age-related differences in sexual behavior, including decreases in sexual behavior with senescence. We overview the considerable body of research on male testosterone, partnerships and paternal care, noting the variation in social context and refinements in research design. A few field studies provide insight into relationships between partnering and paternal behavior and prolactin, oxytocin, and vasopressin. In the third section of the review, we discuss patterns, limitations and directions for future research. This includes discussion of conceptual and methodological issues future research might consider as well as opportunities for contributions in under-researched male life stages (juvenility, senescence) and hormones (e.g., vasopressin).

In this review we argue that relatively recent evolutionary adaptations that are relational or psychological in nature might refocus, dampen, or otherwise shape hormonal processes related to evolutionarily Bolder^ behaviors. We focus on the steroid hormones testosterone and estradiol and discuss a) their associations with Bolder relational processes^ such as mate competition, dominance and nurturance, and b) the ways in which Bnewer relational processes^ such as commitment and attachment relate to these hormones in the context of intimate relationships. We propose that these new relational processes might influence hormones in a manner that enables short-term mating relationships to be transformed into long-term romantic pair-bonds that may be unique to humans.

Two intertwined predicaments bring me to join the psychoanalyst Melanie Klein who argued that depression is the origin of the human condition with Paulo Freire's call for a radical humanization to release oppression. The first concerns the question what transformation transforms; while the second inquires into the relation between oppression and depression hold in loss, mourning, and symbolization.

Let us try to think of a different time, where arguments over the nature, timing, and goals of education were highly disputed, not just because there must be contentious views on what we imagine when we imagine education, but, more pointedly, because these debates were on the verge of articulating an unasked question: can education and freedom meet? And let us try to narrate this story in an uncanny time, moving back and forth between then and now, here and there, absence and presence. Think, then, of this other history as proposing an allegory for our own. Then, try to keep open a different sense of 'time out': Can we freely associate and still call what we are doing education? (read) 9 1

Caregiving interest in men (N=46) during the third trimester of their partner's pregnancy was examined. The study included both explicit and implicit measures of caregiving interest, assessments of basal urinary concentrations of oxytocin and vasopressin, and exogenous (intranasal) application of these hormones. Compared to control men (N=20), fathers-to-be reported more interest in direct care for children. In an immersive virtual environment, fathers-to-be, in comparison to control men, stood closer to and tended to spend more time looking at the baby-related avatars, and stood further away and tended to spend less time looking at non-baby-related avatars. Basal oxytocin and vasopressin were not related to caregiving interest in fathers-to-be, and were not different from control men. When vasopressin was administered, fathers-to-be invested more time watching the baby-related avatars compared to control men. No effects were found of exogenous oxytocin on the behavior of father...

Throughout my work, I have brought into conversation the lives of a series of people that, in my mind become emblems for what I have been developing as "difficult knowledge." My approach to difficult knowledge is now mainly through psychoanalysis. I can group them into three: literary writers such as Anne Frank, and H.D., and H.G. Adler; the political writer who leans on aesthetic conflicts, Adorno; the educational philosophers, Maxine Greene and William James, and the psychoanalysts: Sigmund Freud, Anna Freud, Melanie Klein, and Hillel Klein. They have some things in common: all lived during times of war, some are survivors of the Shoah, all were curious about the course of narratives of life and its discontentment, and all continue to have a difficult reception: either idealized or disparaged. My approach was been with the question of how each individual presents suffering, learning, waiting, overcoming, and desire. To quote a Freudian slip I made in my book, The very thought of education, these figures are my "transference people."

forthcoming The building, which provokes by its beauty a positive response, resuscitates an early hunger or greed in the disposition of morsels that are smooth with morsels that are rough, or of wall spaces with the apertures; an impression, I have said, composed as well from other architectural sensations. To repeat: it is as if those apertures had been torn in that body by our revengeful teeth so that we experience as a beautiful form, and indeed as indispensable shelter also, the outcome of sadistic attacks, fierce yet smoothed, healed into a source of health which we would take inside us ad preserve there unharmed for the source of our goodness: as if also…the smooth body of the wall-face, or the smooth vacancy within the apertures, were the shining breast, while the mouldings, the projections, the rustications, the tiles, were the head, the feeding nipple of that breast [Stokes, 1951 , p. 243].