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Figure 5.3. Evolution of the population in the Gotic area by sectors and citizenship. Source: Population Register, 1998-2015. Gotic’ section but it did not affect other sectors of the neighbourhood. | have corrected Consequently, data shows that the G otic neighbourhood is experiencing a process o1

Figure 5 3. Evolution of the population in the Gotic area by sectors and citizenship. Source: Population Register, 1998-2015. Gotic’ section but it did not affect other sectors of the neighbourhood. | have corrected Consequently, data shows that the G otic neighbourhood is experiencing a process o1

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Figure 3.1. Districts of Barcelona. Source: own elaboration. Figure 3.2. Ciutat Vella and Gotic neighbourhood (Barri Gotic). Source: own elaboration.
Figure 3.1. Districts of Barcelona. Source: own elaboration. Figure 3.2. Ciutat Vella and Gotic neighbourhood (Barri Gotic). Source: own elaboration.
Figure 3.3. Protests against holiday rentals in Ciutat Vella, August 2014. The banner reads “For the abolition of tourist flats’. Photograph by Ernest Canada.
Figure 3.3. Protests against holiday rentals in Ciutat Vella, August 2014. The banner reads “For the abolition of tourist flats’. Photograph by Ernest Canada.
Figure 3.4. Protests against holiday rentals in Ciutat Vella, August 2014. The placard says “No more neighbours leaving the neighbourhood”. Photograph by Ernest Cafada. 3.4. Literature on gentrification
Figure 3.4. Protests against holiday rentals in Ciutat Vella, August 2014. The placard says “No more neighbours leaving the neighbourhood”. Photograph by Ernest Cafada. 3.4. Literature on gentrification
Figure 4.1. Framework of displacement pressures based on the discussion of the displacement literature. Figure 4.1. Framework of displacement pressures based on the discussion of the
Figure 4.1. Framework of displacement pressures based on the discussion of the displacement literature. Figure 4.1. Framework of displacement pressures based on the discussion of the
Figure 4.2. Gotic neighbourhood. In dark grey, the 8 areas selected for the personal survey.
Figure 4.2. Gotic neighbourhood. In dark grey, the 8 areas selected for the personal survey.
Table 4.3. Nationalities and gender of participants.
Table 4.3. Nationalities and gender of participants.
Table 4.4. Identification of participants and acronym that are used in the analysis.
Table 4.4. Identification of participants and acronym that are used in the analysis.
Figure 5.2. Geographic integration of the census tracts available (1998-2014). Source: Own elaboration using census tracts of the Population Register, 1998-2014. Census Tracts 1998-2009 Census Tracts 2010-2014 Integrated Census Tracts 1998-2014
Figure 5.2. Geographic integration of the census tracts available (1998-2014). Source: Own elaboration using census tracts of the Population Register, 1998-2014. Census Tracts 1998-2009 Census Tracts 2010-2014 Integrated Census Tracts 1998-2014
households. For this reason, the analysis of the evolution of households may provide
households. For this reason, the analysis of the evolution of households may provide
Total 7,196 7,304 7,328 7,113 7,056 7,101 7,128 7,012 6,892 6,830 6,638 6,461
Total 7,196 7,304 7,328 7,113 7,056 7,101 7,128 7,012 6,892 6,830 6,638 6,461
The evolution of the number of households (Table 5.1; Figure 5.5) shows two significant points. Firstly, the proportion of one-person households is notably high. In 2015, one- person and two-person households represented 68% of all households. This suggests that the population in the Gotic neighbourhood should be associated with family patterns linked to the Second Demographic Transition, that is to say, itshows features that correspond to gentrified areas. Secondly, although gentrification usually increases the number of households, this is not the case in the Gotic area in which Figure 5.5. Number of households in the Gotic neighbourhood, 2004-2015. Source: Population Register, Barcelona City Council, 2004-2015.
The evolution of the number of households (Table 5.1; Figure 5.5) shows two significant points. Firstly, the proportion of one-person households is notably high. In 2015, one- person and two-person households represented 68% of all households. This suggests that the population in the Gotic neighbourhood should be associated with family patterns linked to the Second Demographic Transition, that is to say, itshows features that correspond to gentrified areas. Secondly, although gentrification usually increases the number of households, this is not the case in the Gotic area in which Figure 5.5. Number of households in the Gotic neighbourhood, 2004-2015. Source: Population Register, Barcelona City Council, 2004-2015.
Suggests that the notable decrease of adult (50-64) and elderly (65+) residents is likely to be related to out-migration rather than to mortality. The next section shows migration flows and confirms this hypothesis. Thirdly, the census of 2011 clearly Shows that this rejuvenation of the population results pa young European and North American inhabitants. Finally, population, including young adults (20-34), had lived in tl than five years. However, in 2011 only 20% of you dwelling before 2006. The proportion of newcome ticularly from the arrival o in 1991 the majority of the he same dwelling for more ng adults (20-34) had lived in the rs decreases in elderly groups. Ir sum, Figure 5.6 illustrates that the arrival of younger inhabitants is related particularly to migration flows and that these groups have a hig her level of residential temporality. nigration flows and that these groups have a higher level of residential temporality
Suggests that the notable decrease of adult (50-64) and elderly (65+) residents is likely to be related to out-migration rather than to mortality. The next section shows migration flows and confirms this hypothesis. Thirdly, the census of 2011 clearly Shows that this rejuvenation of the population results pa young European and North American inhabitants. Finally, population, including young adults (20-34), had lived in tl than five years. However, in 2011 only 20% of you dwelling before 2006. The proportion of newcome ticularly from the arrival o in 1991 the majority of the he same dwelling for more ng adults (20-34) had lived in the rs decreases in elderly groups. Ir sum, Figure 5.6 illustrates that the arrival of younger inhabitants is related particularly to migration flows and that these groups have a hig her level of residential temporality. nigration flows and that these groups have a higher level of residential temporality
Figure 5.7. Composition of the population by educational attainment and age. 1991- 2011. Source: Population Censuses, 1991-2001-2011. | now analyse migration status, university degree and age group (Figure 5.8). Figure 5.8 compares the educational level of new residents in relation to the householders who inhabited the same dwelling five years earlier. In 1991, the proportion of the population with a university degree was low for all age groups. However, the newcomers had a higher educational level, especially if they were Europeans and North Americans. If they were Spanish, the educational level was slightly higher. In 2001, Spanish newcomers had a notably higher educational level than previous residents. The same can be said for new European and North American residents. However, this group again had a higher educational level than the rest. Consequently, in the 1990s the Gotic neighbourhood already attracted new residents with a higher
Figure 5.7. Composition of the population by educational attainment and age. 1991- 2011. Source: Population Censuses, 1991-2001-2011. | now analyse migration status, university degree and age group (Figure 5.8). Figure 5.8 compares the educational level of new residents in relation to the householders who inhabited the same dwelling five years earlier. In 1991, the proportion of the population with a university degree was low for all age groups. However, the newcomers had a higher educational level, especially if they were Europeans and North Americans. If they were Spanish, the educational level was slightly higher. In 2001, Spanish newcomers had a notably higher educational level than previous residents. The same can be said for new European and North American residents. However, this group again had a higher educational level than the rest. Consequently, in the 1990s the Gotic neighbourhood already attracted new residents with a higher
Figure 5.8. Proportion of the population with university degree by age group and migratory status. Source: Population Censuses, 1991-2001-2011. Finally, | show changes in employment categories as indicators of socio-economic status (Figure 5.9). The employment categories of the 1991 census are different to the categories used in the 2001 and 2011 censuses. For this reason, | omit the employment variable for the 1991 census. The main difference between 2001 and 2011 is a decrease in the number of manual workers in all age groups as well as a growth in the number of professionals.
Figure 5.8. Proportion of the population with university degree by age group and migratory status. Source: Population Censuses, 1991-2001-2011. Finally, | show changes in employment categories as indicators of socio-economic status (Figure 5.9). The employment categories of the 1991 census are different to the categories used in the 2001 and 2011 censuses. For this reason, | omit the employment variable for the 1991 census. The main difference between 2001 and 2011 is a decrease in the number of manual workers in all age groups as well as a growth in the number of professionals.
Figure 5.9. Composition of the population by socio-economic status and age. 2001 2011. Source: Population Censuses, 2001-2011.
Figure 5.9. Composition of the population by socio-economic status and age. 2001 2011. Source: Population Censuses, 2001-2011.
The population structure has experienced a notable change over the past 15 years. Particularly relevant is the fact that the population over 65 years of age has been reduced by 50%. In 1998, they represented the main group in the pyramid, 30%, while in 2015 the proportion of residents over 65 years of age is 15%. In contrast, the 25 to 39 age group has become the largest age group of the population pyramid. In 1998, this age group represented 23% of the population while they currently represent 37%. Nowadays, 60% of the population is between the age of 20 and 49. Consequently, a Significant characteristic to be noted is the change from being a neighbourhood predominantly inhabited by elderly residents into a place in which the majority of residents are young adults.
The population structure has experienced a notable change over the past 15 years. Particularly relevant is the fact that the population over 65 years of age has been reduced by 50%. In 1998, they represented the main group in the pyramid, 30%, while in 2015 the proportion of residents over 65 years of age is 15%. In contrast, the 25 to 39 age group has become the largest age group of the population pyramid. In 1998, this age group represented 23% of the population while they currently represent 37%. Nowadays, 60% of the population is between the age of 20 and 49. Consequently, a Significant characteristic to be noted is the change from being a neighbourhood predominantly inhabited by elderly residents into a place in which the majority of residents are young adults.
Rest of Barcelona’s neighbourhoods Gotic neighbourhood Rest of Barcelona’s neighbourhoods Registrations (incoming)
Rest of Barcelona’s neighbourhoods Gotic neighbourhood Rest of Barcelona’s neighbourhoods Registrations (incoming)
A third point of interestis the fact that the net migration of European citizens is positive
A third point of interestis the fact that the net migration of European citizens is positive
Figure 5.13. Municipality of Barcelona. In grey, the Gotic area and the other neighbourhoods included in the study.
Figure 5.13. Municipality of Barcelona. In grey, the Gotic area and the other neighbourhoods included in the study.
Figure 5.14. Population structure of Sant Antoni, Vila de Gracia, and Poblenou by nationality, 2015. Source: Population Register. Figure 5.15. Average annual flows (outflow and inflow) and net migration by age group and educational attainment. Sant Antoni, Vila de Gracia, and Poblenou, 2011-2015. Source: Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council.
Figure 5.14. Population structure of Sant Antoni, Vila de Gracia, and Poblenou by nationality, 2015. Source: Population Register. Figure 5.15. Average annual flows (outflow and inflow) and net migration by age group and educational attainment. Sant Antoni, Vila de Gracia, and Poblenou, 2011-2015. Source: Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council.
Figure 6.2. New hotel in Duc de Medinaceli square, 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant. Figure 6.3. Passeig de Colom, 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
Figure 6.2. New hotel in Duc de Medinaceli square, 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant. Figure 6.3. Passeig de Colom, 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
The description of Duc de Medinaceli square and the adjacent Passeig de Colom street shows the coexistence of the three phenomena that are examined in this chapter: new middle-class residences, hotels and holiday apartments. Since 2003, the changes in this small area have meant that 14 8 large apartments have been removed from the housing stock and converted into tourist accommodation while another 48 have been upgraded for new affluent co nsumers. The impacts of these investments not only exclude residents from the possibility of accessing housing but also several families and individuals were displaced i are 8 hotels and 16 holiday apartments. This chapte hotels and 1,300 holiday apartments that exist in the n the process. In this area there r explores the effects of the 71 neighbourhood.
The description of Duc de Medinaceli square and the adjacent Passeig de Colom street shows the coexistence of the three phenomena that are examined in this chapter: new middle-class residences, hotels and holiday apartments. Since 2003, the changes in this small area have meant that 14 8 large apartments have been removed from the housing stock and converted into tourist accommodation while another 48 have been upgraded for new affluent co nsumers. The impacts of these investments not only exclude residents from the possibility of accessing housing but also several families and individuals were displaced i are 8 hotels and 16 holiday apartments. This chapte hotels and 1,300 holiday apartments that exist in the n the process. In this area there r explores the effects of the 71 neighbourhood.
Figure 6.5. Spatial distribution of flats listed on Airbnb, Barcelona. 2°4 October 2015. Source: own elaboration, compiled from Inside Airbnb.
Figure 6.5. Spatial distribution of flats listed on Airbnb, Barcelona. 2°4 October 2015. Source: own elaboration, compiled from Inside Airbnb.
Table 6.1. Airbnb listings on 2"4 October 2015 and households. Source: Inside Airbnb and Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council. rentals in relation to the number of households (Table 6.2).
Table 6.1. Airbnb listings on 2"4 October 2015 and households. Source: Inside Airbnb and Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council. rentals in relation to the number of households (Table 6.2).
Table 6.2. Boroughs of Ciutat Vella. Airbnb listings on 2"! October 2015 and households. Source: Inside Airobnb and Barcelona City Council, Statistics.
Table 6.2. Boroughs of Ciutat Vella. Airbnb listings on 2"! October 2015 and households. Source: Inside Airobnb and Barcelona City Council, Statistics.
Figure 6.7. Number of hotels in Barcelona, 1990-2015. Growth rate 225%. Source: Barcelona Hotel Association and Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council. domestic demand. This lack of crisis in the sector is indicated by the 51 new projects that are expected to be finished by 2018. In addition, J] ones Lang Lasalle states that in terms of investors, total transaction volumes were split almost equally between investment funds, hotel operators and development / property companies, and that 69% of this capital came from Singapore, USA, Qatar, UK and Germany. This indicates how tourism opens real estate markets and comes to replace the lack of ocal demand. | develop this point in the final discussion of this chapter. local demand. | develop this point in the final discussion of this chapter.
Figure 6.7. Number of hotels in Barcelona, 1990-2015. Growth rate 225%. Source: Barcelona Hotel Association and Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council. domestic demand. This lack of crisis in the sector is indicated by the 51 new projects that are expected to be finished by 2018. In addition, J] ones Lang Lasalle states that in terms of investors, total transaction volumes were split almost equally between investment funds, hotel operators and development / property companies, and that 69% of this capital came from Singapore, USA, Qatar, UK and Germany. This indicates how tourism opens real estate markets and comes to replace the lack of ocal demand. | develop this point in the final discussion of this chapter. local demand. | develop this point in the final discussion of this chapter.
Table 6.3. Number of hotel beds per inhabitant in the districts of Barcelona, 2015. Source: Compiled from Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council. beds per inhabitant is notably larger than in other districts.
Table 6.3. Number of hotel beds per inhabitant in the districts of Barcelona, 2015. Source: Compiled from Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council. beds per inhabitant is notably larger than in other districts.
The concentration of the hotel activity in the G otic area is significant (Table 6.4; Figure
The concentration of the hotel activity in the G otic area is significant (Table 6.4; Figure
Table 6.4. Number of hotel beds per inhabitant in Ciutat Vella, 2015. Compiled from Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council.
Table 6.4. Number of hotel beds per inhabitant in Ciutat Vella, 2015. Compiled from Statistics Department of Barcelona City Council.
Figure 6.12. Tourist accommodation in the Gotic neighbourhood, 2015. Compiled from Inside Airbnb and the hotel survey. residences as well as the proportion of beds per inhabitant are higher in the Gotic
Figure 6.12. Tourist accommodation in the Gotic neighbourhood, 2015. Compiled from Inside Airbnb and the hotel survey. residences as well as the proportion of beds per inhabitant are higher in the Gotic
Figure 7.1. Results of the survey asking: ‘Why do residents move out?’. Source: survey implemented by the author, F ebruary-May, 2015.
Figure 7.1. Results of the survey asking: ‘Why do residents move out?’. Source: survey implemented by the author, F ebruary-May, 2015.
The installation of terraces is the result of the tourist-oriented commercia gentrification experienced in the square. After the demolition of the block, there was a mix of industrial and commercial activities, especially workshops, working-class bars and food stores catering to residents such as a bakery and a few greengrocers. Nowadays there are 16 businesses in the square of which 10 are bars and restaurants, 2 are clothes stores, 1 is a tattoo parlour, 1 is a tourist oriented bike rental shop, 1 is home store and another is a bakery. A resident describes how the stores changed in recent years and gives a revealing ‘before and now’ picture:
The installation of terraces is the result of the tourist-oriented commercia gentrification experienced in the square. After the demolition of the block, there was a mix of industrial and commercial activities, especially workshops, working-class bars and food stores catering to residents such as a bakery and a few greengrocers. Nowadays there are 16 businesses in the square of which 10 are bars and restaurants, 2 are clothes stores, 1 is a tattoo parlour, 1 is a tourist oriented bike rental shop, 1 is home store and another is a bakery. A resident describes how the stores changed in recent years and gives a revealing ‘before and now’ picture:
Figure 7.5. George Orwell square, J uly 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
Figure 7.5. George Orwell square, J uly 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
Figure 7.6. George Orwell square, J uly 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant. of public areas and a continuous movement of transient consumers. Moreover, informal interviews undertaken in the square reveals that visitors play a central role
Figure 7.6. George Orwell square, J uly 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant. of public areas and a continuous movement of transient consumers. Moreover, informal interviews undertaken in the square reveals that visitors play a central role
Figure 7.7. Results of the survey asking: 'Stores | used to patronise have disappeared in the last five years’. Data collection: February-May, 2015. Changes in commercial services are a central concern expressed by residents. Tr facilities that residents need on a daily basis such as bakeries, greengrocer oharmacies or supermarkets are disappearing (Figure 7.7). Instead, the new shor cater to visitors. In this section, | show the extent to which this retail chanc undermines the quality of life of residents. In addition, | illustrate that itis an examp of how the place increasingly belongs to ‘other’ users. This causes residents to fe that they are being dispossessed. cater to visitors. In this section, | show the extent to which this retail change
Figure 7.7. Results of the survey asking: 'Stores | used to patronise have disappeared in the last five years’. Data collection: February-May, 2015. Changes in commercial services are a central concern expressed by residents. Tr facilities that residents need on a daily basis such as bakeries, greengrocer oharmacies or supermarkets are disappearing (Figure 7.7). Instead, the new shor cater to visitors. In this section, | show the extent to which this retail chanc undermines the quality of life of residents. In addition, | illustrate that itis an examp of how the place increasingly belongs to ‘other’ users. This causes residents to fe that they are being dispossessed. cater to visitors. In this section, | show the extent to which this retail change
Figure 7.9. Chair in Placa Reial (see Figure 7.2). In this square there are 9 individual public chairs and 1,600 restaurants chairs. March 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
Figure 7.9. Chair in Placa Reial (see Figure 7.2). In this square there are 9 individual public chairs and 1,600 restaurants chairs. March 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
Figure 7.10. Placa de la Veronica, J une 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-G ant. He continues the description of his experience by saying:
Figure 7.10. Placa de la Veronica, J une 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-G ant. He continues the description of his experience by saying:
Figure 7.11. Vivim Aqui. Mural in front of the Angel Baixeras school, J une 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
Figure 7.11. Vivim Aqui. Mural in front of the Angel Baixeras school, J une 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant.
Figure 7.14. A resident finds a place to rest. J uly 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant. In sum, the loss of public space causes daily mobility disruptions that are a central point of concern for residents. There are cases in which residents have moved out of the neighbourhood due to their inability to walk with their children. The situation is more problematic for elderly people. The loss of public space means that residents ose gathering places and opportunities to engage in community life. These disruptions reinforce the idea that the neighbourhood is now a space used by the eisure industry and so it strengthens the sense of expulsion and dispossession. The role played by the local state in the process is undeniable. Residents recognise the impact of Ordenanzas Civicas, the removal of places to sit down as well as the iberalisation of terraces.
Figure 7.14. A resident finds a place to rest. J uly 2015. Photograph by A. Cocola-Gant. In sum, the loss of public space causes daily mobility disruptions that are a central point of concern for residents. There are cases in which residents have moved out of the neighbourhood due to their inability to walk with their children. The situation is more problematic for elderly people. The loss of public space means that residents ose gathering places and opportunities to engage in community life. These disruptions reinforce the idea that the neighbourhood is now a space used by the eisure industry and so it strengthens the sense of expulsion and dispossession. The role played by the local state in the process is undeniable. Residents recognise the impact of Ordenanzas Civicas, the removal of places to sit down as well as the iberalisation of terraces.
Figure 7.15. Results of the survey asking: ‘Please indicate how satisfied or dissatisfied you are with the level of noise in your local area’. Source: survey implemented by the author, February-May, 2015.
Figure 7.15. Results of the survey asking: ‘Please indicate how satisfied or dissatisfied you are with the level of noise in your local area’. Source: survey implemented by the author, February-May, 2015.
Figure 7.16. ‘Residents have the right to rest’, October 2016. Photograph by Geoffrey DeVerteuil. Noise pollution is caused by the leisure industry. This includes noise produced by people but also by the music of clubs and parties in holiday apartments, by ambulances, cleaning services using trucks and their workers, or the delivery of Supplies for restaurants early in the morning. The acoustic pressure, however, is linked significantly to low cost and ‘party tourism’, which according to residents have worsened since 2010:
Figure 7.16. ‘Residents have the right to rest’, October 2016. Photograph by Geoffrey DeVerteuil. Noise pollution is caused by the leisure industry. This includes noise produced by people but also by the music of clubs and parties in holiday apartments, by ambulances, cleaning services using trucks and their workers, or the delivery of Supplies for restaurants early in the morning. The acoustic pressure, however, is linked significantly to low cost and ‘party tourism’, which according to residents have worsened since 2010:
Figure 7.17. A poster announcing ‘fem placa’ in Duc de Medinaceli square. April, 2015. As the city council does not listen to our demands, so we simply use squares
Figure 7.17. A poster announcing ‘fem placa’ in Duc de Medinaceli square. April, 2015. As the city council does not listen to our demands, so we simply use squares
24. \f there any other circumstance you would like to say about your accommodation?
24. \f there any other circumstance you would like to say about your accommodation?
26. Here are some things that residents have said about your neighbourhood. To what extent do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements? Part three. About your neighbourhood “| need places to sit down and rest in public spaces”
26. Here are some things that residents have said about your neighbourhood. To what extent do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements? Part three. About your neighbourhood “| need places to sit down and rest in public spaces”
28. If there any other circumstance you would like to say about your neighbourhood? 28. If there any other circumstance you would like to say about your neighbourhood?
28. If there any other circumstance you would like to say about your neighbourhood? 28. If there any other circumstance you would like to say about your neighbourhood?
27. Can you explain why you are satisfied or dissatisfied living in your neighbourhood?
27. Can you explain why you are satisfied or dissatisfied living in your neighbourhood?
Related topics:
Lifestyle Migration
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