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context-specific planning and design, which forms the underlying argument for this thesis. However, even though these guidelines are well-intentioned, the designs put forward for roads — Figure 5 context-specific planning and design, which forms the underlying argument for this thesis. However, even though these guidelines are well-intentioned, the designs put forward for roads

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“marked by the claims of various communities and interest groups.”™ These public spaces become the stage for daily activities, almost like rituals, where vendors of

whether it be from the comfort of one’s personal car or on foot.

There is a multitude of factors that go into the creation of these social spaces. Each of these

Map showing the growth of the street network from 1937 to 2012

Within cities, nodes mark the points of focus while edges and boundaries define the extents of the districts, as per Kevin Lynch's ‘Image of the City’. Thus, using my observations, along with interviews with auto rickshaw-waalas, the perceived boundaries of each of the districts or areas were mapped out. Mostly large roads or highways, railway lines, large parks or lakes, or change in terrain marked the boundary for an area. As shown in map 3.1, a lot of these boundary transitions were at a gradient, with the urban form and fabric changing gradually along the edges, as compared to the administrative edges of wards that are laid out for jurisdictional purposes by the city municipality shown in map 3.2.

ity Municipalities map out wards within the city for jurisdictional and management purposes. Often, thesé ards contain various types of urban fabric and are not bounded by any physical features. Thus, it ofter ecomes difficult for visitors to orient themselves based on these formalized wards within the city. The ards usually also have several smaller localities within them. These are oftentimes older villages tha’ ere encompassed into the Bangalore urban area due to the pressures of development around them hese formalized wards when compared with the perceived areas start to show that often in a cit) malized structures of nomenclature and organization are completely disparate from the physical for f the city fabric which forms the basis of perception and experience.

For the purpose of my study, the perceived boundaries of the selected areas were compared with the formalized ward boundaries and refined to define areas within the city for the purpose of my analysis that corresponded to the physical form and natural features while being relatively closer to the ward boundaries in some cases. These were used to carry out further comparisons between perception and actual condition based on specific parameters.

Having lived in Bangalore for a period of 1.5 years a couple of years prior to conducting field research for this thesis, | had preconceived ideas about the distances (in terms of time taken to travel) between where | lived (J.P.Nagar), where | worked (Jayanagar), and other parts of the city. | also always perceived Shivaji Nagar to be the center of the city. Map 3.4 shows a mental map of the way in which | perceived distances within the city prior to having conducted this research. The circles correspond to my perception of the relative size of these localities with the arrows marking relative distances between them and the directionality. The underlay of the base map shows the actual locations of these areas. A few of the possible reasons for these differences between the perceived distances and the actual distances are traffic flows, bus networks and frequencies, presence of large parks or lakes, and disparities in urban form.

My field research conducted over a period of 3 weeks included a reconnaissance study of selectec localities within the city in the first half while the second half consisted of a detailed street analysis o selected cases within those localities. One to three areas were grouped according to proximity to eact other and each group was explored on separate weekdays. The weekends included a brief visit to each o the areas. Clues in the urban form that pointed to specific socio-economic characteristics of those area: were observed and recorded. Compared to the perceived distances before the field research shown in may 3.4, it can be observed that even though the distances were perceived differently, the relative proximity o areas perceived was relatively more accurate. This also gave me an opportunity to perform comparative observations incrementally through visits to areas that were located closer to each other in the city.

Based on characteristics such as plot sizes, sizes of houses, types of stores and eateries within the area, widths of streets, quality of personal vehicles, and community amenities, certain areas were perceived as richer, i.e. inhabited by population with more disposable income. These areas characteristically had a less dense urban fabric with large houses with wide setbacks and high boundary walls, wider tree-lined streets, expensive (and often multiple per house) cars, several large international chain stores, and a number of community-run or privately owned club houses for recreational use.

The perceived income levels were plotted against property value data drawn from a popular Indian website called sulekha.com using residential properties as the search parameter. These values point towards the affordability of property within each of the localities and are often dependent on variables like proximity to the city center and community amenities, size of plot, etc. The comparison of the perceived income level map with the one above based on land value data yield some differences between the mid and high income level areas and several similarities between the low income level area

Some localities were observed to have a higher concentration of religious structures in terms of their densities and varieties, while other areas have a relatively scattered distribution of these institutions. Traditionally, Indian cities have developed with religious institutions at their cores, hence often older parts

The actual locations of temples, churches and mosques were also mapped out for each of the selected areas and compared with the perceived relative ‘religiousness’. These were normalized by the density of population within each of those wards as per Census 2011 data. Through the maps above, it is visible that the perceptions and the actual ‘religiousness’ of the areas are relatively similar for the mid-low level areas. These point to larger ethnographic interpretations within the areas. of cities tend to have a higher frequency of these buildings. Thus, oftentimes the perceived religiousness of an area Can give clues about the age and the localness of the population within an area. Observations of the frequency of religious structures encountered during walks within the selected areas, along with the availability of religious idols and other items used for prayer, perceptions of relative ‘religiousness’ were mapped for the various areas as shown in the map above.

4: A street with one commercial edge and one residential edge. These streets tend to have raised sidewalks and higher traffic volumes than the internal streets.

The street layout in Chamarajpete is very regular and rectilinear with the streets running north-south and east-west, dividing the area into narrow and long blocks. The east-west streets are the ‘main’ streets with the numbering increasing southwards, and the north-south streets are the ‘cross’ streets with the numbering increasing westwards. Most of the streets are residential with occasional ground floor commercial use with buildings and boundary walls interspersed along the street edges. The grid of this area is unique because each ‘main’ forms the front street and the back street alternatively for the residences which span the length of each block. The streets are shared by buses, cars, rickshaws, 2-wheelers and pedestrians. Since the area is relatively less crowded due to the absence of any major commercial activity, it is relatively easier to walk on most streets despite the number of intersections.

1: A major commercial street on the southern edge of the grid layout with very narrow raised sidewalks and medium to high traffic volumes.

Basavangudi is laid out on a rectilinear grid with diagonal streets cutting through the grids along all four corners. The streets run from north-south and east-west and unlike most other grid layouts in the city, it does not use the nomenclature of ‘main’ and ‘cross’. The diagonal streets are wider, bi-directional streets with higher traffic volumes. They have wide, fenced off sidewalks lined by vendors selling fruits, vegetables and flowers. They are lined with old trees with large tree covers and have car and 2-wheeler parking along both edges with 3 lanes of traffic in either direction. They are used by buses, cars, 2-wheelers and pedestrians. The streets on the periphery and one north-south street to the west of the park and one east-west street to the north of the park carry high volumes of high speed traffic. The internal streets are narrower with less traffic volumes. They are fronted by the boundary walls of the residential properties along them and have one lane of parking on either side. rickshaws and 2-wheelers.

Hebbala

Indiranagar

4: The same street as image 3 but looking uphill with a typical concrete marker in yellow and red on the left showing the name of the area along with its postal code. Stepped boundary walls line the street with towering apartment buildings threatening to cut off visual access to the city from the top of the hillock that Banashankari is developed upon.

3 and 4: Typical corners at intersections of residential cross and main streets with boundary walls fronting the street, vehicles parked along the side of the street and drain covers acting as the narrow sidewalk.

Figures above: The areas of the city that were developed in the 1990s can be divided into two groups. The first group, including Indiranagar, Koramangala, B.T.M. Layout, Banashankari, and J.P.Nagar consists of residential layouts that were developed closer to the center of the city while the secon¢ consists of residential layouts that were developed towards the outskirts, including Yelahanka Satellite Town and Whitefield.

Social life - This street seemed particularly unique to me because its social life is symbolic of the

The street is shared by vehicles and pedestrians and is lined by small local shops. The merchandise on display outside the shops block the sidewalk forcing people to walk on the carriage-way. This results in blocking traffic during peak-hours.

The street is busy throughout the day, especially in the evenings when people returning home by bus walk through the street on their way to the bus station while stopping to shop.

The temple and basilica, being local landmarks, define the street by providing visual definition and acting as destinations. The signage, awnings, and colorful merchandise create visual discordance along the street.

The boundary wall of the apartment complex towards the western side of the street near the basilica creates an opaque edge which forms the backdrop to the wide sidewalk used by street vendors to spread out their wares. It also helps to visually break down the scale of the tall apartment building.

The street widens westwards. Large sign boards and colorful merchandise lines the street walls on one side while a high boundary wall lines the other wise of the street that is shared by pedestrians and vehicles.

Vendors stand along the wide sidewalk in front of the boundary wall inviting passers-by to stop and buy their merchandise. This, along with honking by vehicles creates a collective loud and muffled noise.

As the evening progresses, the pedestrian population on the street reduces and Cars start using the street more. The lit up cross of the basilica can be seen even at night and acts as a wayfinding tool.

The side street that branches out from Meenakshi Koil street is lined by larger semi-temporary stalls along the boundary wall of the apartment complex. This street is more dominated by pedestrians and thus a significant width is occupied by the merchandise spilling out of the shops along the other edge.

The nature of the street changes through the day in terms of vehicular use and types of vendors. It is more vibrant during the evenings and weekends. The secular ‘prayer’ street — Interpretation

The next section uses visual material to analyze the physical and spatial aspects of the street by

A typical section through a raised sidewalk with shops fronting the street, pedestrians walking down the pedestrian path and buying fruits from the street vendors sitting under the awning hung from the building fagade and the trees, and more vendors lining the enclaves formed by the trees. The sidewalks are raised and fenced off from the carriageway. This helps to create interactive public spaces along the sidewalk but also restricts the streets in a much more permanent way along a linear path and is inaccessible by the differently-abled.

Trees with wide canopies line the street creating cool and shaded sidewalks that are comfortable to walk. The enclaves created by the trees form spaces that are safe to get dropped off by buses and cars, to walk and to linger. However these spaces are not deliberately separated from the carriageway in any way and this blurred boundary between the sidewalk and the carriageway can often create friction between vehicles and pedestrians.

Poles colored with the Karnataka state colors often dominate the scene marking territory. Building facades are often covered wth billboards. These often contribute to the sense of place by providing cues for orientation and memory, but in excess can also become visually displeasing. The narrow buildings provide visual variety along the street edge and provide for smaller but multiple shops along the street edge. The street corners at intersections provide spaces for people to linger.

Women walk along the sidewalk and frequently stop to purchase fruits, vegetables or flowers from the stalls, or merchandise from the shops. This provides for short encounters along the pedestrian path, but during the mornings and evenings anc all day on weekends, this frontage results in disruption of pedestrian flows alonc the sidewalk since these sidewalks are fenced off,.

Goods from the shops spill out onto the street to attract customers and shopkeepers and people working in the area use the steps outside closed shops o1 inside their own shops for an after-lunch chat or siesta. These details create flexible spaces that can adapt and accommodate activities based on time of day and pedestrian flows.

A section through the vegetable market on the street with single heighted vegetable shops linings one side of the street with stalls lining the other side. Tarpaulin pieces are hung for shade between the building anc the trees. Deflated car and motorcycle tyres are hung from the tree barks at spots where car mechanics si with their tools during the day to fix punctured tyres.

Make-shift awnings made out of tarpaulin are hung from the buildings and the trees to provide shade to the produce and the people. Vegetables are piled up high along the street to attract customers. Trees become important amenities for storage, hanging of lights, etc. This is one of the most frequented parts of the street and often creates a bottle-neck for pedestrians. It provides a great amenity for people living in the locality or passing through the street on their way home. However, it also generates a lot of organic waste which is often disposed off on the side of the sidewalk.

These vegetable stalls cater to all classes of people which is why it is active throughout the day. This helps make this street active and safe from the early hours of the morning to the late hours of the night.

The colorful gateway leading to the street that has the entrance to the temple on it. People gather around the area before or after prayers, and especially during festivals. The temples act as landmarks and events along the street that provide definition and punctuation along a linear path. They also instigate the vending of flowers around the corner. The presence of these vendors at the corners of these intersections often calm traffic.

Vendors selling flowers line the sidewalks outside the temple and along the length of the street. Political banners hung onto the fence, although not very pleasinc visually, provide shade for the street vendors. They also provide definitions for memory along the linear sidewalk. For the vendors, the fences act as hangers fo! qoods, and as back rests.

Old post boxes, electrical poles and other signs show the extent of the old carriageway which has been extended to form parking along the street. The kattesalong the street form spaces for people to sit and linger. The trees also provide surfaces for people to hang signs. Most tree barks are covered by posters advertising anything from paying guest accommodation to political party agendas.

The fences along the edge of the raised sidewalk act as storage spaces and spaces for locking bicycles. They also create a permanent divider between the pedestrian sidewalk and the carriageway. This provides a safe path for pedestrians but also limits the flexibility of the space to accommodate higher pedestrian traffic. The sidewalks do not have any ramps and are thus unaccessible by the differently-abled.

Restaurants that line the street often set their buildings back from the property line in the front to provide for spill-over space where standing tables are placed. These spaces are very active during most times of the day and provide magnets along the path where people gather.

During the night, cows wander the street looking for the waste thrown out by the shopkeepers and vendors at the end of the day. The cows are often traffic hazards and also dirty the street by defication.

The street completely transforms during pongal, a major festival celebrated sometime in the month of January. Sugarcane and flower sellers line the street and pedestrian activity overflows onto the carriageway. During this time, the already active street bustles with activity and celebration.

This street provides a case wherein the main binding factor of all the social interaction along it is

Social life - The daily life of an individual usually includes some time for reflection and meditation

The quasi-street creates a comfortable place for people to shop and linger while the sidewalk along it creates a shady place for people to sit and people-watch. The fences create separations between the carriageway and the sidewalk. Since this street has relatively slow speed medium flow traffic, the fences may not be required. However, the fences do provide for spaces where vendors display their goods. The trees provide for visual stimulation and shade throughout the length of the street.

The fences create a separation between the carriageway lined with parking, and the raised sidewalk. In many areas this fence becomes a major physical barrier which is not required from a safety aspect, especially on this street. The benches provide cool and shady spaces for people to sit throughout the day.

These spaces are active throughout the day, especially because of the proximity of the street to the bus station which can be seen in the background.

The active quasi-street lined with parking with shops on one side. This provides unique spaces for pedestrians to walk and shop at a leisurely pace. However, the absence of trees makes it less active during the summer months.

The vegetable market lines the street behind the B.D.A. complex with stalls being set up early in the morning and staying open until 9-10 pm. The market is used by locals and visitors who are just connecting at the Jayanagar Bus Station.

Even though this street is relatively comfortable to walk on, it is shared by vehicles and pedestrians which can often become unsafe and unpleasant to walk on. These streets are also relatively dirty to walk on later at night due to the organic waste left on the street when the vegetable and fruit sellers have closed their stalls.

The street stays active throughout the day, often with the smaller vendors changing through the day.

The sidewalks are fenced off from the carriage-way. The fence does not necessarily contribute substantially to the safety aspects of the sidewalk but its presence stimulates other activities such as vending, temporary parking and spaces to lean on during an informal conversation.

The shops are relatively small and usually shops selling similar merchandise are clustered together. Competition and lack of space lead to merchandise spilling out substantially onto the street to attract customers. This narrows the pedestrian pathway resulting in people getting sandwiched between the fences and shops during peak hours and on weekends.

The paving patterns include concrete slabs over the drains, concrete pavers, anc plain concrete. This could perhaps be a result of incremental growth of the sidewalk. The raintrees along the street are very old and have wide canopies that provide shade to almost the entire street

The street corners become active spaces especially during the evenings at the end of the work day. The thelas and unidirectionality of the streets, along with ground floor commercial use contribute to this activity. The location of the thelas often influences the prices of the fruits being sold on them with those closer to the street corners charging higher prices.

that forms an important part of one’s daily life. estaurants and cafes lining it. A couple of residential buildings and a mosque complex also form

awnings and sign boards that form a large part of the visual streetscape.

The parking along the street edges, coupled with trees and seating areas along the sidewalk contribute to a safe pedestrian-friendly environment on the street.

The slow speed traffic on the street allows for auto-rickshaws to stop along the edges to pick up customers. During lunch time people spill out from restaurants onto the sidewalk.

Small paan stalls line the street outside restaurants and create catalysts for people to gather while chewing Maghai paan (a delicacy that is local to theregion) or smoking.

Canopies provide definition to the spill over spaces in front of restaurants where food counters invite people into the space. Individual bungalows help to bring in a variety in terms of architecture and scale.

The restaurants generate a lot of the activity on the street. Simple signage provides way-finding without creating an overwhelming visual streetscape.

International fast food chains like McDonalds are located in localities like Koramangala which are inhabited by a younger population.

Lit up signs and building fronts create a festive atmosphere along the street during the peak evening hours. It also contributes to the street being perceived as safe.

The unidirectionality of the carriage-way makes the street pedestrian friendly.

Restaurant complexes like this one has lit up signage, which along with colorful lights wrapped around trees and draped along shop fronts help attract customers and generate a very festive environment.

sense of definition and sensory stimulation did not take away greatly from the street's experience

Street Experience - The street is lined by commercial and institutional campuses with high, opaque boundary walls along its edges. An electric line runs through the center of the stree which has resulted in a wide median through the middle of the carriage-way. Monumenta

similar characteristics with narrower carriage-ways but a sheer lack of pedestrian traffic. Social life - Streets similar to this form form the public realm of many of the localities that have electric pylons line the middle of the street with landscaped seating areas in between. Several

Massive electric pylons run along the center of the median. The spaces between the pylons are landscapec with seating areas which are not very accessible through the high speed traffic on both sides of the median. The road is lined either by relatively taller buildings, open plots, or high boundary walls into private campuses, hence creating a sense of exclusivity along the ‘public’ realm.

The buildings, the road width, the streetlights all contribute to the lack of a human- scale.

The massive electric pylons along the median create visual barriers along the middle of the road.

Large heavy vehicles coupled with wide carriage-ways make the street less pedestrian-friendly.

Large buildings along the road create a sense of monumentality that is not inviting to pedestrians.

The lack of benches along the sidewalks forces people to cross the high-speed traffic on both sides to use the benches on the median. Most of the population seen using these benches is the lower income population that is employed for mechanical or menial jobs in the ‘exclusive’ campuses along the road.

its level of maintenance and quality of construction. It is not conducive to most of the social

model of Singapore, but did not respond to any of the social and cultural needs of the area. quality of construction which go along with their aspiration to make the city look like the ‘ideal’

ualities in contributing to the criteria for great streets that is listed in the consecutive section

Population density contributes since “streets with many

defined by Allan B. Jacobs, in the left column, and myself, in the right column. qualities of these streets which contribute to their culture. The table below enlists these criteria

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