Syntax of relativization in Russian Sign Language: Basic features.

Italian Sign Language displays a dedicated structure expressing relativization: a biclausal construction consisting of an embedded clause containing an antecedent, followed by a main clause containing a gap or a pronoun coreferential with the antecedent. This paper compares two possible analyses for this type of construction: as a correlative structure, as recently proposed by , or as a non-correlative internally headed relative clause. Evidence for the nominal status of the clause, for its extraposed nature, and for the trace-like nature of the gap in the main clause is provided and discussed. This leads to the conclusion that the noncorrelative analysis is more suitable. As for their interpretative status, we argue that these clauses are restrictive relative clauses in the light of a battery of diagnostics.

Glossa: a journal of general linguistics, 2021

Relativization is a robust subordinating type across languages, displaying important typological variability concerning the position of the nominal head that the relative clause modifies, and sign languages are no exception. It has been widely assumed since Keenan & Comrie (1977) that the subject position is more accessible to relativization than object and oblique positions. The main aim of this paper is to investigate the extension of this famous generalization both across modalities (sign as opposed to spoken languages) and across relativization typologies (internally as opposed to externally headed relatives), and to verify how it interacts with age of first language exposure. We here report the results of a sentence-to-picture matching task assessing the comprehension of subject and object relative clauses (RCs) in three sign languages: French Sign Language (LSF), Catalan Sign Language (LSC), and Italian Sign Language (LIS). The results are that object RCs are never easier to c...

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 2006

We discuss a construction of Italian Sign Language (LIS) that we call PROREL clauses. This construction is used to translate Italian relative clauses by native signers of Italian Sign Language. We show, however, that it differs from Italian relative clauses both syntactically and semantically. From a syntactic standpoint, we argue that PROREL clauses are correlative constructions on a par with left-adjoined relative clauses investigated for Hindi by Dayal (1996). On the semantic side, we argue however that, unlike Hindi correlatives, PROREL clauses lack restrictive interpretations and are interpreted instead as subject-predicate structures. In this respect, they are similar to Japanese internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs) investigated by Shimoyama (1999). We propose that, like Japanese IHRCs in Shimoyama's proposal, PROREL clauses are related to the main clause via e-type anaphora.

2007

→ Due to the unique possibilities made available by the visual-gestural modality (as well as due to the constraints imposed by it), sign languages (SLs) are more similar to each other than spoken languages: the Variation Hypothesis (Meier 2002). → Still, SLs clearly differ from each other along well-defined lines w.r.t. the expression of certain grammatical features such as interrogativity (Zeshan 2004b), negation (Pfau 2002; Pfau & Quer 2002; Zeshan 2004a), plurality (Pfau & Steinbach 2006), and classification (Nyst 2007), amongst others (see Perniss et al. (in press) for an overview). → In this talk, we will consider the typological variation as attested in the domain of relativization by discussing the relativization strategies of Italian SL (Lingua Italiana dei Segni: LIS) and German SL (Deutsche Gebardensprache: DGS). → We discuss the SL data against the background of the typological variation attested across spoken languages, thereby showing (i) that the two SLs clearly differ...

Minpaku Sign Language Studies (2), 2019

In this study, the authors analyze four texts totaling 25 minutes of video in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) from a discourse/typology perspective to determine how relative clauses (RCs) are handled in normal language use. We find examples of three separate structures that serve the function of a RC. One is a pre-nominal externally headed RC, unique among signed languages studied so far. In another structure, the RC follows the head noun. In a third structure, the head noun is completely absent, assumed from previous context with no relative pronoun, indexer, or buoy involved. We also confirm the grammaticality of an internally headed RC not found in our own data. We see RCs that contain or consist entirely of depictive expressions. We find that JSL RCs are often formed with no relativizing non-manual markers, buoys, or indexing signs, nor any other relativizing lexical items present at all. Finally, we find the head noun or its token playing a variety of grammatical roles. We see the head noun functioning in the matrix sentence as the subject, object, or indirect object of the main verb, and within the RC itself as either subject or object.

2018

This paper presents corpus-based research of quotation constructions in Russian Sign Language (RSL). Quotation constructions have been observed from different perspective in different signed and spoken languages (Brendel, Meibauer, Steinbach 2011; Litvinenko et al. 2009). Based on the corpus of spontaneous narratives recorded from RSL signers (Burkova 2015), we conducted a quantitative analysis of these constructions. We analyzed constituents of quotation construction, such as the source (author of utterance) indication, the introducing matrix predicate, and the quote. Our investigation of non-manual markers in the corpus revealed that nonmanual marking of quotation is optional for RSL quotations. We distinguished direct and indirect quotations in our data based on the reference of indexical elements, the use of subordinating conjunction, and the imperative mood. We found that in RSL non-manuals do not mark the direct/ indirect type of quotation. Our data show that RSL signers tend ...

FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory, 2018

This paper describes the basic properties of quotation in Russian Sign Language (RSL) using corpus and elicited data. Quotation constructions in RSL consist of source indication (optional), a predicate of speech (optional), and the quote itself. The quote as well as the other constituents of quotation constructions can be marked by non-manual markers (also known as role shift), namely by eye gaze change, head turns, and body turns; however, these markers are optional. Judging by the behavior of indexicals, quotation in naturalistic RSL narratives mostly involves direct speech. Mixed behavior of indexicals is also possible. Interestingly, non-manual marking does not correlate perfectly with the behavior of indexicals. We also find evidence that at least quotes with shifted indexicals are not syntactically embedded. The properties of RSL quotation constructions seem to present problems for some current accounts of role shift in other sign languages.

This dissertation explores Information Structure in two sign languages: Sign Language of the Netherlands and Russian Sign Language. Based on corpus data and elicitation tasks we show how topic and focus are expressed in these languages. In particular, we show that topics can be marked syntactically and prosodically (including non-manual markers) in both languages, although some differences between the languages are also found. We also conclude that these languages are not topic prominent. As for focus, certain syntactic and prosodic (manual and non-manual) markers can be used to mark it in both languages, although some quantitative differences between the languages can be found. In addition, we analyze two mechanism previously linked to Information Structure expression in other sign languages, namely doubling and weak hand holds. Doubling in both languages can be used to express focus, emphasis, and foregrounding. Weak hand holds are used in a variety of functions, some of which are related to topicality. We discuss the similarities and differences between the languages in the domain of Information Structure, as well as typological implications of our findings. In addition, we assess the effects of the visual modality on expression of Information Structure.

Studia Linguistica, 1998

ASL syntax makes essential use of specific non-manual expressions of syntactic features (e.g., +neg, +wh) that co-occur with manual signs. These markings occur obligatorily with manual material contained in the node of origin and optionally extend over the c-command domain of that node, thus providing important evidence for hierarchical structure. In this article, we show that agreement features, both within the clause and the noun phrase, also have non-manual correlates that exhibit the predicted distribution. Interestingly, transitive IPs and possessive DPs pattern together in their manifestation of agreement marking, while intransitive IPs pattern with non-possessive DPs. for clausal agreement, see ; for DP structure and agreement within DP, see BKMN (1995), . The major results of this research are presented in NKMBL (forthcoming).